第一部分动物、植物、生物学

Classification of Plants

The newer classification system lists all of the more than 300,000 known plants in just two phyla, the

Bryophytes and the Tracheophytes. Bryophytes, the mosses and liverworts, are usually soft and nonwoody in structure, take in water through short root-like filaments called rhizoids, and may have stems and simple leaves but, unlike the more complex Tracheophytes, do not have true roots or vascular tissue whose function it is to circulate water, food, and essential minerals throughout the organism.

Tracheophytes are divided into four sub-phyla: lycopsids, which number some 900 living species; sphenopsids, whose fossil species contributed to coal formation in the Carboniferous period, but which have few living species; psilopsids, an extinct group of relatively simple plants, which fossil studies show to have been more advanced than any of the mosses; and pterosids, subdivided into three classes, the ferns, the gymnosperms, and the angiosperms.

The angiosperms, the most highly developed and complex class of plants, reproduce by means of single and double seed leaves called cotyledons. Monocots, such as corn, wheat, lilies, and orchids, have leaves with parallel veins, while dicots, which include oaks, maples, roses and thistles, among others, have net-veined leaves and stems with annual growth rings.

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Adaptations of Desert Plants

Desert plant populations have evolved sophisticated physiological and behavioral traits that aid survival in arid conditions. Some send out long, unusually deep taproots; others utilize shallow but widespread roots, which

allow them to absorb large intermittent flows of water. Certain plants protect their access to water. The creosote bush produces a potent root toxin which inhibits the growth of competing root systems. Daytime closure of

stomata exemplifies a further genetic adaptation; guard cells work to minimize daytime water loss, later allowing the stomata to open when conditions are more favorable to gas exchange with the environment.

Certain adaptations reflect the principle that a large surface area facilitates water and gas exchange. Mose

plants have small leaves, modified leaves (spines), or no leaves at all. The main food-producing oragn is not the leaf but the stem, which is often green and non-woody. Thick, waxy stems and cuticles, seen in succulents such as cacti and agaves, also help conserve water. Spines and thorns (modified branches) protect against predators and also minimize water loss.

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Leaves Microbiological

Activity clearly affects the mechanical strength of leaves. Although it cannot be denied that with most species the loss of mechanical strength is the result of both invertebrate feeding and microbiological breakdown, the example of Fagus sylvatican illustrates loss without any sign of invertebrate attack being evident. Fagus shows little sign of invertebrate attack even after being exposed for eight months in either lake or stream environment, but results of the rolling fragmentation experiment show that loss of mechanical strength, even in this apparently resistant species, is considerable.

Most species appear to exhibit a higher rate of degradation in the stream environment than in the lake. This is perhaps most clearly shown in the case of Alnus. Examination of the type of destruction suggests that the cause for the greater loss of material in the streamprocessed leaves is a combination of both biological and mechanical degradation. The leaves exhibit an angular fragmentation, which is characteristic of mechanical damage, rather than the rounded holes typical of the attack by large particle feeders. As the leaves become less strong, the fluid forces acting on the stream nylon cages caused successively greater fragmentation.

Mechanical fragmenation, like biological breakdown, is to some extent influenced by leaf structure and form. In some leaves with a strong midrib, the lamina break up, but the pieces remain attached by means of the midrib. One type of leaf may break clean while another tears off and is easily destroyed once the tissues are weakened by microbial attack.

In most species, the mechanical breakdown will take the form of gradual attrition at the margins. If the energy of the environment is sufficiently high, brittle species may be broken across the midrib, something that rarely

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happens with more pliable leaves. The result of attrition is that, where the areas of the whole leaves follow a normal distribution, a bimodal distribution is produced, one peak composed mainly of the fragmented pieces, the other of the larger remains.

To test the theory that a thin leaf has only half the chance of a thick on for entering the fossil record, all other things being equal, Ferguson (1971) cut discs of fresh leaves from 11 species of different leaf thickness and

rotated them with sand and water in a revolving drum. Each run lasted 100 hours and was repeated three times, but even after this treatment, all species showed little sign of wear. It therefore seems unlikely that leaf

thickness alone, without substantial microbial preconditioning, contributes much to the probability that a leaf will enter a depositional environment in a recognizable form. The result of experiments with whole fresh leaves show that they are more resistant to fragmentation than leaves exposed to microbiological attack. Unless the leaf is exceptionally large of small, leaf size and thickness are not likely to be as critical in determining the preservation potential of a leaf type as the rate of microbiological degradation.

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Plants and Geography

Although different plants have varying environmental requirements because of physiological differences, there are certain plant species that are found associated with relatively extensive geographical areas. The distribution of plants depends upon a number of factors among which are (1) length of daylight and darkness, (2)

temperature means and extremes, (3) length of growing season, and (4) precipitation amounts, types, and distribution.

Daylight and darkness are the keys by which a plant regulates its cycle. It is not always obvious how the triggering factor works, but experiments have shown day length to be a key. A case in point is that many greenhouse plants bloom only in the spring without being influenced by outside conditions other than light. Normally, the plants keyed to daylight and darkness phenomena are restricted to particular latitudes.

In one way or another, every plant is affected by temperature. Some species are killed by frost; others require frost and cold conditions to fruit. Orange blossoms are killed by frost, but cherry blossoms will develop only if the buds have been adequately chilled for an appropriate time. Often the accumulation of degrees or the direction of temperatures above or below a specific figure critically affects plants. Plant distributions are often compared with isotherms to suggest the temperature limits and ranges for different species. The world's great vegetation zones are closely aligned with temperature belts.

Different plant species adjust to seasonal changes in different ways. Some make the adjustment by retarding growth and arresting vital functions during winter. This may result in the leaf fall of middle latitude deciduous trees. Other plants disappear entirely at the end of the growing season and only reappear through their seeds. These are the annuals, and they form a striking contrast to the perennials, which live from one season to another.

Precipitation supplies the necessary soil water for plants, which take it in at the roots. All plants have some limiting moisture stress level beyond which they must become inactive or die. Drought resistant plants have a variety of defenses against moisture deficiencies, but hydrophytes, which also are adapted to humid environments, have hardly any defense against a water shortage.

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Whales

Although vocal cords are lacking in cetaceans, phonation is undoubtedly centered in the larynx.

The toothed whales or odontocetes (sperm whale and porpoises) are much more vociferous than the whalebone whales, or mysticetes. In this country observers have recorded only occasional sounds from two species of mysticetes (the humpback and right whale). A Russian cetologist reports hearing sounds from at least five

spcies of whalebone whales but gives no details of the circumstances or descriptions of the sounds themselves. Although comparison of the soundproducing apparatus in the two whale groups cannot yet be made, it is interesting to note that the auditory centers of the brain are much more highly developed in the odontocetes than in the mysticetes, in fact, to a degree unsurpassed by any other mammalian group.

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Bioluminescence in the Sea

At night, schools of prey and predators are almost always spectacularly illuminated by the bioluminescence produced by the microscopic and larger plankton. The reason for the ubiquitous production of light by the microorganisms of the sea remains obscure, and suggested explanations are controversial. It has been suggested that light is a kind of inadvertent by-product of life in transparent organisms. It has also been

hypothesized that the emission of light on disturbance is advantageous to the plankton in making the predators of the plankton conspicuous to their predators! Unquestionably, it does act this way. Indeed, some fisheries base the detection of their prey on the bioluminescence that the fish excite. It is difficult, however, to defend the thesis that this effect was the direct factor in the original development of bioluminescence, since the effect was of no advantage to the individual microorganism that first developed it. Perhaps the bioluminescence of a microorganism also discourages attack by light-avoiding predators and is of initial survival benefit to the individual. As it then becomes general in the population, the effect of revealing plankton predators to their predators would also become important.

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Animal Torpidity

A few species demonstrate conditions which are neither complete hibernation nor aestivation. Instead of going into a long \behavior is known in other animal bats become torpid during daytime, and hummingbirds at night. The first time I appreciated this phenomenon was while working with fat mice (Steatomys) in Africa. These mice, incidentally, have a most appropriate name, for their bodies are so full of fat they resemble little furry balls. Fat storage as a method of survival has rebounded to some extent as far as the fat mice are concerned. They are regarded as a succulent delicacy by many African tribes who hunt them with great tenactiy; when captured, the mice are

skewered and fried in their own fat. A captive fat mouse was once kept without food or water for thirty-six days; at the end of that time it had lost a third of its weight but appeared quite healthy. During the dry season, some captives spent the day in such a deep state of torpor that they could be roughly handled without waking. The body temperature was a couple of degrees above room temperature and the respiration was most irregular, several short pants being followed by a pause of up to three minutes. Just before dusk the mice woke up of their own accord and respired normally. In this case the torpid state was not induced by shortage of food or abnormal temperatures. The forest dormouse of southern Asia and Europe also undergoes periods of torpidity during the day; this species has been recorded as having pauses of up to seventeen minutes between breaths. There is also a record of a leaf-eared mouse of the Peruvian desert which became torpid under severe conditions.

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Mammals

The history of mammals dates back at least to Triassic time. Development was retarded, however, until the sudden acceleration of evolutional change that occurred in the oldest Paleocene. This led in Eocene time to increase in average size, larger mental capacity, and special adaptations for different modes fo life. In the

Oligocene Epoch, there was further improvement, with appearance of some new lines and extinction of others.

Miocene and Pliocene time was marked by culmination of several groups and continued approach toward modern characters. The peak of the career of mammals in variety and average large size was attained in the Miocene.

The adaptation of mammals to almost all possible modes of life parallels that of the reptiles in Mesozoic time, and except for greater intelligence, the mammals do not seem to have done much better than corresponding reptilian forms. The bat is doubtless a better flying animal than the pterosaur, but the dolphin and whale are hardly more fishlike than the ichthyosaur. Many swift-running mammals of the plains, like the horse and the antelope, must excel any of the dinosaurs. The tyrannosaur was a more ponderous and powerful carnivore than any flesh-eating mammal, but the lion or tiger is probably a more efficient and dangerous beast of prey because of a superior brain. The significant point to observe is that different branches of the mammals gradually fitted themselves for all sorts of life, grazing on the plains and able to run swiftly (horse, deer, bison), living in rivers and swamps (hippopotamus, beaver), dwelling in trees (sloth, monkey), digging underground (mole, rodent), feeding on flesh in the forest (tiger) and on the plain (wolf), swimming in the sea (dolphin, whale, seal), and flying in the air (bat). Man is able by mechanical means to conquer the physical world and to adapt himself to almost any set of conditions.

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This adaptation produces gradual changes of form and structure. It is biologically characteristic of the youthful, plastic stage of a group. Early in its career, an animal assemblage seems to possess capacity for change, which, as the unit becomes old and fixed, disappears. The generalized types of organisms retain longest the ability to make adjustments when required, and it is from them that new, fecund stocks take origin certainly not from any specialized end products. So, in the mammals, we witness the birth, plastic spread in many directions,

increasing specialization, and in some branches, the extinction, which we have learned from observation of the geologic record of life is a characteristic of the evolution of life.

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Heredity of Horses

Horse owners who plan to breed one or more mares should have a working knowledge of heredity and know how to care for breeding animals and foals. The number of mares bred that actually conceive varies from about 40 to 85 percent, with the average running less than 50 percent. Some mares that do conceive fail to produce living foals. This means that, on the average, two mares are kept a whole year to produce one foal, and even then, some foals are disappointments from the standpoint of quality.

The gene is the unit that determines heredity. In the body cells of horses there are many chromosomes. In turn, the chromosomes carry pairs of minute particles, called genes, which are the basic hereditary material. The nucleus of each body cell of horse contains 32 pairs of chromosomes, or a total of 64; whereas there are thousands of pairs of genes.

When a sex cell (a sperm or an egg) is formed, only one chromosome and one gene of each pair goes into it. Then, when mating and fertilization occur, the 32 single chromosomes from the germ cell of each parent unite to form new paires, and the chromosomes with their genes are again present in duplicate, in the body cells of the embryo. Thus, with all possible combinations of 32 pairs of chromosomes and the genes that they bear, it is not strange that full sisters (except identical twins from a single egg split after fertilization) are so different. Actually we can marvel that they bear as much resemblance to each other as they do.

Because of this situation, the mating of a mare with a fine track record to a stallion that transmits good performance characteristics will not always produce a foal of a merit equal to its parents. The foal could be markedly poorer than the parents or, in some cases, it could be better than either parent.

Simple and multiple gene inheritance occurs in horses, as in all animals. In simple gene inheritance, only one pair of genes is involved; thus, a pair of genes may be responsible for some one specific trait in horse. However, most characteristics, such as speed, are due to many genes; hence, they are called multiplegene characteristics.

For most characteristics, many pairs of genes are involved. for example, growth rate in foals is affected by (1) appetite and feed consumption, (2) the proportion of the feed eaten that is absorbed, and (3) the use to which the nutrients are put whether they are used for growth or fattening, and each in turn is probably affected by different genes. Because multiple characteristics show all manner of gradation from high to low performance, they are sometimes refeered to as quantitative traits. Thus, quantitative inheritance refers to the degree to which a characteristic is inherited. For example, all racehorses can run and all inherit some ability to run, but it is the degree to which they inherit the ability that is important.

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Marine Animal Evolution

Until the 1970's, the pattern of early marine animal evolution seemed to be well established. Most present-day animal phyla had appeared during the \the warm seas of the Cambrian period, between 570 and 500 million years ago. It was assumed that, despite the very large number of species that appeared during the Cambrian explosion, nearly all fit into the same

rather small number of phyla that exist today. Each phylum a group of organisms with the same basic pattern of organization, such as the radial symmetry of jellyfish and other coelenterates or the segmented structure of worms and other annelids was seen as evolutionarily stable. Innumerable individual species have arisen and died out but development and extinction were assumed to take place within existing phyla; the elimination of entire phyla was thought to be extremely rare. However, a diverse group of marine fossils, known collectively as the \so bizarre that it is hard to fit any of them into present-day phyla. They include the banana shaped

_Tullimonstrum_ and the spiked spiny _Hallucigenia_, creatures whose very names reflect the classifier's

discomfort. The \

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their external surfaces, are also included among the Problematica. Theirs was an approach taken by only a few modern multicelled creatures (such as tapeworms) that are otherwise totally unlike them. Recently, several

theorists have argued that the Problematica are not just hard to classify they are evidence that the conventional view of the Cambrian explosion is wrong. They contend that the Cambrian explosion represented the

simultaneous appearance of a much larger number of animal phyla than exists today. Each was a separate \plans, each represented by only a few species. Today, the number of phyla has fallen drastically, but each

surviving phylum contains a much larger number of species there are at least 20,000 species of fish alone. The Problematica, then, were not unsuccessful variants within present-day phyla; each represented a distinct phylum in its own right.

Revisionists and conventional theorists agree that modern marine species are products of natural selection. But the revisionists contend that the selection process eliminated not only particular unfavorable traits, but entire body plans, entire approaches to survival. The Ediacaran fauna, for example, reprsented a particular structural solution to the basic problems of gas and fluid exchange with the enviroment. This approach to body

engineering was discarded at the same time as the Ediacaran fauna themselves were wiped out; given the improbability of duplicating an entire body plan through chance mutation, it was unlikely that this particular approach would ever be tried again.

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Saving the Porpoise

Just as the members of the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission have subscribed to annual quotas on the tuna harvest, they are agreed that cooperation is essential in limiting the porpoise kill. The common interest is preservation of the tuna industry. And since modern fishing methods exploit the cozy relationship between the yellowfin tuna and the porpoise, tuna fishing would become less profitable if the number of porpoises decreased. Tuna and porpoise are often found together at sea, and the fishermen have learned to cast their nets where they see the porpoises, using them to locate the tuna. The problem is that many porpoises die in the nets.

The commission deliberations acknowledged the environmental pressures that have led to strict regulation of U.S. tuna crews under federal law. Delegates also recognized that porpoise protection goals are relatively meaningless unless conservation procedures are adopted and followed on an international basis. Commission supervision of survey, observer, and research programs won general agreement at the eight-nation conference.

The method and timetable for implementing the program, however, remain uncertain.

Thus the federal regulation that leaves U.S. crews at a disadvantage in the tuna-harvest competition remains a threat to the survival of the tuna fleet. Still, the commission meetings have focused on the workable solution. All vessels should be equipped with the best porpoise-saving gear devised; crews should be trained and motivated to save the porpoise; a system must be instituted to assure that rules are enforced. Above all, the response must be international. Porpoise conservation could well be another element in an envisioned treaty that remains unhappily elusive at the continuing Law-of-the-Sea Conference.

The tuna industry interest in saving porpoises is bothersome to many who also want to save the porpoise, but object to the industry motivation for doing so. For fishermen, saving the porpoise is valuable only because the porpoise leads them to tuna. For more compassionate souls, however, the porpoise is not just a tuna finder, but, more important, the sea creature that seems most human. Fredson Delacourte, national chairman of the \

intelligence, cannot outwit the tuna fishermen who, anxious to meet their annual quota, ensnare and destroy porpoises as well. But it is even sadder that the tuna industry is so intent upon using the porpoise so greedily\Mr. Delacourte praises the fishing industry for its plans to save the porpoises, at the same time that he wishes their motives were more altruistic. He insists that any \than an economic one.

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Reefs

There are a great many points about coral reefs that remain subjects of scientific puzzlement. One mystery concerns the relationship between Scleractinia, the coral type whose colonization produces reefs, and their

symbiotic partners the zooxanthellae, the unicellular algae present in the corals' endodermic tissues. It is known that each symbiont plays an integral part in the formation of a reef's protective limestone foundation. The coral

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polyps secrete calceous exoskeletons which cement themselves into an underlayer of rock, while the algae deposit still more calcium carbonate, which reacts with sea salt to create an even tougher limestone layer. It is also known that, due to the algal photosynthesis, the reef environment is highly oxygen-saturated, while the similarly high amounts of carbon dioxide are carried off rapidly. All this accounts for the amazing renewability of coral reefs despite the endless erosion caused by wave activity. However, the precise maner in which one symbiont stimulates the secretion of calcium carbonate by the other remains unclear.

Scientists have also proposed various theories to explain the transformation of \above sea level to land masses, into \then into free-floating atolls. Though the theory postulated by Charles Darwin is considered at least partially correct, some scientists today argue that the creation of the reef forms has more to do with the rise of sea level that accompanied the end of the Ice Age than with the gradual submergence of the volcanic islands to which the fringing reefs were originally attached. However, recent drillings at Enewetak atoll have uncovered a large underlay of volcanic rock, which suggests that Darwin's explanation may have been more valid after all.

Even the name giver to the reefs is something of a misnomer. The Scleractinia themselves generally comprise no more than 10 percent of the biota of the average reef community: zooxanthellae can account for up to 90 percent of the reef mass, along with formainifera, annelid worms, and assorted molluscs. Moreover, the

conditions under which reef growth occurs are determined by the needs of the algae, not the corals. Reefs can flourish only in shallow, highly saline waters above 70 F, because the algae require such circumstances; yet non-reef-building corals corals which lack the algae presence occur worldwide under various environmental conditions, from the Arctic to the Mediterranean, home of the red coral prized for jewelry. The most likely

reason that the term \considerations more vivid than biological ones.

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Anopheles Mosquitoes

Following the discovery in 1895 that malaria is carried by Anopheles mosquitoes, governments around the world set out to eradicate those insect vectors. In Europe the relation between the malarial agent, protozoan blood parasites of the genus Plasmodium, and the vector mosquito, Anopheles maculipennis, seemed at first inconsistent. In some localities, the mosquito was abundant but malaria rare or absent, while in others the

reverse was true. In 1934 the problem was solved. Entomologists discovered that A. maculipennis is not a single species but a group of at least seven.

In outward appearance the adult mosquitoes seem almost identical, but in fact they are marked by a host of distinctive biological traits, some of which prevent them from hybridizing. Some of the species distinguished by these traits were found to feed on human blood and thus to carry the malarial parasites. Once identified, the dangerous members of the A. maculipennis complex could be targeted and eradicated.

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The Antibacterial Property of Honey

An ancient use for honey was in medicine as a dressing for wounds and inflammations. Today, medicinal uses of honey are largely confined to folk medicine. On the other hand, since milk can be a carrier of some diseases, it was once thought that honey might likewise be such a carrier. Some years ago this idea was examined by adding nine common pathogenic bacteria to honey. All the bacteria died within a few hours or days. Honey is not a suitable medium for bacteria for two reasons it is fairly acid and it is too high in sugar content for growth to occur. This killing of bacteria by high sugar content is called osmotic effect. It seems to function by literally drying out the bacteria. Some bacteria, however, can survive in the resting spore form, though not grown in honey.

Another type of antibacterial property of honey is that due to inhibine. The presence of an antibacterial activity in honey was first reported about 1940 and confirmed in several laboratories. Since then, several papers were published on this subject. Generally, most investigators agree that inhibine (name used by Dold, its discoverer, for antibacterial activity) is sensitive to heat and light. The effect of heat on the inhibine content of honey was studied by several investigators apparently, heating honey sufficiently to reduce markedly or to destroy its

inhibine activity would deny it a market as first-quality honey in several European countries. The use of sucrose and inhibine assays together was proposed to determine the heating history of commercial honey.

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Until 1963, when White showed that the inhibine effect was due to hydrogen peroxide produced and accumulated in diluted honey, its identity remained unknown. This material, well known for its antiseptic

properties, is a byproduct of the formation fo gluconic acid by an enzyme that occurs in honey, glucose oxidase. The peroxide can inhibit the growth of certain bacteria in the diluted honey. Since it is destroyed by other honey constituents, and equilibrium level of peroxides occur in a diluted honey, its magnitude depending on many

factors such as enzyme activity, oxygen availability, and amounts of peroxide-destroying materials in the honey. The amount of inhibine (peroxide accumulation) in honey depends on floral type, age, and heating.

A chemical assay method has been developed that rapidly measures peroxide accumulation in diluted honey. By this procedure, different honeys have been found to vary widely in the sensitivity of their inhibine to heat. In general, the sensitivity is about the same as or greater than that of invertase and diastase in honey. ===============================================================

Termites

It is well known that termites are blind, but little has been discovered about the other sense organs of these insects or their reactions to various stimuli. Body odors, as well as odors related to sex and to colony, certainly play a part in the activities of the termite colony. When specimens of eastern subterranean termites are placed in a jar containing a colony of rotten wood termites from the pacific Coast, the host termites recognize these foreign insects by differences in odor and eventually kill the invaders. The progress of the chase and kill is very slow, and the larger host termites appear awkward in their efforts to bite and kill their smaller but quicker-moving cousin. Finally, more or less by sheer numbers and by accident, they corner and exterminate the enemy.

Eastern dealated (wingless) termites that manage to survive in the rotten wood termite colony for more than a week, however, are no longer molested. This is noteworthy, since eastern termites of this variety had previously been pursued and killed. Fresh eastern wingless specimens placed in the colony alongside the week-old visitors are immediately attacked, thus indicating that the rotten wood termites have in no way lost their capacity for belligerence.

What else besides odor helps termites interpret the world around them? The insects have sense of \organs located on the antennae, on the bristles, on the base of the mandibles, and on the legs. These organs apparently enable termites to receive vibrations sent through the air, or, more precisely, aid in the reception of stimuli sent through the nest material or through air pockets within the nest material. When alarmed, soldier termites exhibit synchronous, convulsive movements that appear to be a method of communication adapted to the chorodontal organ system, although no sound that is audible to man is produced by these movements. Termite soldiers also strike their heads against wood and other nest materials, producing noises that, after passing through the sounding board formed by the nest material, become rustling and crackling sounds plainly audible to man's duller and possibly differently attuned perceptions. In fact, soldiers of one termite species, found in the arid regions of California, strike their heads against the dry, dead flower stalks of Spanish bayonets and agave plants with such force that the sound produced can be heard several feet away. Other types of soldier termites found in the tropics make audible clicking noises with their jaws.

There is a clear correlation between the functioning of the chorodontal system and termite settlement patterns. Seldom are termites found infesting railroad ties over which there is frequent heavy traffic, or on the woodwork of mill or factory buildings where heavy machinery in motion would cause vibrations. Smallscale tests with a radio speaker and vibrator yielded interesting results when termites were placed in the speaker and exposed to various frequency vibration. When the vibrations ranged from 50-100 per second, the termites were thrown about; at vibrations of 100-500, termites set their feet and mandibles and held on with all their power; at 2,000-5,000 vibrations per second, the termites crawled about undisturbed.

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Insecticides

Traditional strategies for controlling insect-pests tend to rely on the use of nonselective insecticides that cause extensive ecological disruption. The alternative sterile-insect technique, in which members of the target species are irradiated to cause sterility, has enjoyed some modest success. When released into an infested area, the sterile insects mate with normal insects but produce no offspring. Unfortunately, the irradiation weakens the insects, making it less likely that they will mate; and, in any event, sterile insects do not search selectively for non-sterile mates. A third, newly developed strategy is based on parasite release.

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Pest hosts and their associated parasites have evolved biological and behavioral characteristics that virtually ensure that the relative numbers of hosts and parasites in the ecosystem they inhabit remain within relatively narrow limits even though coexisting populations may fluctuate up to 100-fold during a single season. The close numerical relationships are entirely consistent with nature's balancing mechanisms, which permit closely

associated organisms to live together in harmony. Thus, in natural populations, the ratios of parasites to hosts are not high enough to result in dependable control. However, it is possible to mass -rear parasites so that they can be released at strategic times and in numbers that result in parasite-to-host ratios sufficient to control host populations.

_Biosteres tryoni_, for example, has a strong affinity for medfly larvae. Let us assume that a new medfly

infestation is descovered. It is likely to have originated from a single female and, even in an area with a good surveillance program, to be in the third reproductive cycle. The rate of population increase is 10 -fold per generation; so at the time the infestation comes to light, about 1,000 males and 1,000 females are emerging and will produce a total of approximately 80,000 larvae. Reproduction will be concentrated in an area of about one square mile, but scattered reproduction will occur anywhere within a 25-square mile area. At first glance, the odds of controlling the infestation by parasite release seem low; but with new techniques for mass-producting parasites, it is possible to release one million males and one million females into the infested area. This would mean an average of 62 females per acre, and the average female parasitizes about 30 host larvae during its lifetime. Additionally, the parasites activily search for host habitats by using the kairomone signals emanating from infested fruit. Even assuming that only 10 percent of the released females are successful and further that they parasitize an average of only 10 larvae, they could still parasitize one million larvae. Only 80,000 larvae are available, however, so the actual ratio would be 12.5:1. A ratio as low as 5:1 results in 99 percent parasitism.

This method of pest eradication presents no health or environmental problems and is actually cheaper. The cost of mass-rearing and distributing B. tryoni is about $ 2,000 per million. So even if six million parasites of both sexes are released during a period corresponding to three medfly reproductive cycles, the total cost of the treatment would be $ 12,000 compared to $ 25,000 for a single insecticide spray application to the same 25-square mile area.

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Adaptive Divergence

Both plants and animals of many sorts show remarkable changes in form, structure, growth habits, and even mode of reproduction in becoming adapted to different climatic environment, types of food supply, or mode of living. The divergence in response to evolution is commonly expressed by altering the form and function of some part or parts of the organism, the original identity of which is clearly discernible. For example, the creeping foot of the snail is seen related marine pteropods to be modified into a flapping organ useful for swimming, and is changed into prehensile arms that bear suctorial disks in the squids and other cephalopods. The limbs of various mammals are modified accordign to several different modes of life for swift running

(cursorial) as in the horse and antelope, for swinging in trees (arboreal) as in the monkeys, for digging (fossorial) as in the seals, whales and dolphins, and for other adaptations. The structures or organs that show main change in connection with this adaptive divergence are commonly identified readily as homologous, in spite of great alterations. Thus, the finger and wristbones of a bat and whale, for instance, have virtually nothing in common except that are definitely equivalent elements of the mammalian limb.

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Adaptive Convergence

The opposite of adaptive divergence is an interesting and fairly common expression of evolution. Whereas

related groups of organisms take on widely different characters in becoming adapted to unlike environments in the case of adaptive divergence, we find that unrelated groups of organisms exhibit adaptive convergence when they adopt similar modes of life or become suited for special sorts of environments. For example, invertebrate marine animals living firmly attached to the sea bottom or to some foreign object tend to develop a subcylindrical or conical form. This is illustrated by coral individuals, by many sponges, and even by the

diminutive tubes of bryozoans. Adaptive convergence in taking this corallike form is shown by some brachiopods and pelecypods that grew in fixed position. More readily appreciated is the streamlined fitness of most fishes for moving swiftly through water; they have no neck, the contour of the body is smoothly curved so as to give minimum resistance, and the chief propelling organ is a powerful tail fin. The fact that some fossil reptiles

(ichthyosarus) and modern mammals (whales, dolphins) are wholly fishlike in form is an expression of adaptive convergence, for these air-breathing reptiles and mammals, which are highly efficient swimmers, are not closely

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related to fishes. Unrelated or distantly related oragnisms that develop similarity of form are sometimes designated as homeomorphs (havign the same form).

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Endangered Species

All along the chain of biological evolution, the extinction of species appears to have been a stage in the process of adapting genetic lineages to changing environmental conditions. Although some catastrophic extinction

occurred naturally, producing total loss of a genetic line, such catastrophes were comparatively rare. In modern times, however, human activities have altered the fundamental nature of this process, resulting in nearly total genetic losses.

It is difficult to gain general agreement that man-induced increases in the endangerment and extinction of wildlife whether due to habitat alteration or loss, pollution, insufficiently regulated hunting, or other factors are undesirable. It is, however, more difficult to obtain consensus when consideration is given to the economic costs of correcting such trends, including natural habitat preservation, regulation of pesticides and other toxic substances, and wildlife and park management. Endangered species often are, in effect, competitors with humans for habitat and other resources which also provide other kinds of human uses and needs.

Measures needed to protect endangered species vary considerably in difficulty and cost. Of the approximately 400 invertebrate species which at present appear to be threatened, for example, about one-third could probably be restored by such inexpensive means as modifying the boundaries of designated natural areas, acquiring and protecting caves and other small areas which contain the particular species, and additional management of parks and refuges.

Another one-third of the endangered lower animal species are threatened principally by water pollution and could be protected by improved control, particularly of five southern rivers. The remaining one-third of the 400 endangered shellfish species would be considerably more difficult to protect. These are threatened by complex factors, such as the Asian snail, dredging, quarry washing, poor erosion control, and lowering of water tables.

The indentification of threatened species and other significant wildlife trends must precede any corrective

measures, and our knowledge base for making such identification is deficient in many respects. Our present lists of threatened species and subspecies are known to be incomplete, except in those geographical areas which contain habitats of species that have important commercial or sports harvest value.

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Objections to Darwin's Theory

After a major theory has become doctrine, we tend to froget seemingly legitimate objections later shown to be incorrect, remembering only the controversial aspects of those theories. This leads to retrospective arrogance: by aligning ourselves with the victorious doctrine, we disdain those who opposed it.

Although much has been written about the theological conflicts with Darwinian theory, little is known of the powerful scientific objections that modified Darwin's beliefs.

During Darwin's lifetime, the accepted theory of heredity was that of blending inheritance, in which forms intermediate between those of the parents resulted from mating. Mendel's discovery that inheritance was particulate was published, but was unrecognized. Jerkin pointed out that if a rare and favorable mutation occurred, it would soon be obliterated due to \Disputing Darwin's conception of evolution as proceeding through the natural selection of those with slightly better characteristics than arose randomly, Jerkin concluded that natural selection could not account for the

tremendous diversity of life, hypothesizing that large numbers of organisms mutated simultaneously in the same direction a controlled orthogenetic process resembling a series of \

Since \did not abandon his theory, he admitted that natural selecion played a much smaler part in evolution than he had previously claimed. He also embraced the Lamarckian concept that somatic changes in parents are

transmitted to their offspring, thus providing a mechanism by which an entire population could change in the same direction at once.

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Another potent objection came from the physicists led by Lord Kelvin, who contested the assumption of previous geologists and biologists that life had existed for billions of years, if not infinitely. How, these iconoclasts

questioned, could evolution proceed by slow steps in millions of years, and how could advanced forms, recently evolved, show such great differences? The Kelvinists, basing their conclusions on the assumption that the sun was an incandescent liquid mass rapidly radiating heat, calculated that the age of the earth was between twenty and forty million year.

Darwin was forced to admit that their calculations were correct and their premises rational, and to adjust his theory, he proposed that change had occurred much more rapidly in the past than in the present, where species seemed static, and that more advanced forms varied more rapidly than lower forms. This provided further reason to advocate Lamarck's theory of inheritance, because that could account for the rapid change.

It is interesting to note that both these retreats of Darwin were later shown to be faulty. The discovery that the sun runs on a nearly infinite amount of atomic fuel totally invalidated Kelvin's argument. Mendel was

\meant that favorable mutation could not only persist, but could rapidly become prevalent.

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Darwinian Theory

Yet, while Darwinian theory extends its domain, some of its cherished postulates are slipping, or at least losing their generality. The \years, took the model of adaptive gene substitution within local populations as an adequate account, by

accumulation and extension, of life's entire history. The model may work well in its empirical domain of minor, local, adaptive adjustment; populations of the moth _Biston betularia_ did turn black, by substitution of a single gene, as a selected response for decreased visibility on trees that had been blackened by industrial soot. But is the origin of a new species simply this process extended to more genes and greater effect? Are larger evolutionary trends within major lineages just a further accumulation of sequential adaptive changes?

Many evolutionists (myself included) are beginning to challenge this synthesis and to assert the hierarchical view that different levels of evolutionary change often reflect different kinds of causes. Minor adjustment within

populations may be sequential and adaptive. But speciation occur by major chromosomal changes that establish sterility with other species for reasons unrelated to adaptation. Evolutionary trends may represent a kind of higher-level selection upon essentially static species themselves, not the slow and steady alteration of a single large population through untold ages.

Before the modern synthesis, many biologists (see Bateson, 1922, in bibliography) expressed confusion and depression because the proposed mechanisms of evolution at different levels seemed contradictory enough to preclude a unified science. After the modern synthesis, the notion spread (amounting alost to a dogma among its less thoughtful lieutenants) that all evolution could be reduced to the basic Darwinism of gradual, adaptive change within local populations. I think that we are now pursuing a fruitful path between the anarchy of

Bateson's day and the restriction of view imposed by the modern synthesis. The modern synthesis works in its appropriate arena, but the same Darwinian processes of mutation and selection may operate in strikingly

different ways at higher domains in a hierarchy of evolutionary levels. I think that we may hope for uniformity of causal agents, hence a single, general theory with a Darwinian core. But we must reckon with a multiplicity of mechanisms that preclude the explanation of higher level phenomena by the model of adaptive gene substitution favored for the lowest level.

At the basis of all this ferment lies nature's irreducible complesxity. Organisms are not billiard balls, propelled by simple and measurable external forces to predictable new positions on life's pool table. Sufficiently complex systems have greater richness. Organisms have a history that constrains their future in myriad, subtle ways. Their complexity of form entails a host of functions incidental to whatever pressures of natural selection

superintended the initial construction. Their intricate and largely unknown pathways of embryonic development guarantee that simple inputs (minor changes in timing, for example) may be translated into marked and surprising changes in output (the adult organism).

Charles Darwin chose to close his great book with a striking comparison that expresses this richness. He

contrasted the simpler system of planetary motion, and its result of endless, static cycling, with the complexity of life and its wondrous and unpredictable change through the ages.

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There is grandeur in this view of life, with its several powers, having been originally breathed into a few forms or into one; and that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been, and are being, evolved.

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Genetic Variation

Genetic variation is also important in the evolution of lower organisms such as bacteria, and here too it arises from mutations. Bacteria have only on chromosome, however, so that different alleles or variant forms of a gene are not normally present within a single cell. The reshuffling of bacterial genes therefore ordinarily requires the introduction into a bacterium of DNA carrying an allele that originated in a different cell. One mechanism accomplishing this interbacterial transfer of genes in nature is transduction: certain viruses that can infect bacterial cells pick up fragments of the bacterial DNA and carry the DNA to other cells in te course of a later infection. In another process, known as transformation, DNA released by cell death or other natural processes simply enters a new cell from the environment by penetration the cell wall and membrane. A third mechanism, conjugation, involves certain of the self-replicating circular segments of DNA called plasmids, which can be transferred between bacterial cells that are in direct physical contact with each other.

Whether the genetic information is introduced into a bacterial cell by transduction, transformation or

conjugation, it must be incorporated into the new host's hereditary apparatus if it is to be propagated as part of that apparatus when the cell divides. As in the case of higher organisms, this incorproation is ordinarily

accomplished by the exchange of homologous DNA; the entering gene must have an allelic counterpart in the recipient DNA. Because homologous recombination requires overall similarity of the two DNA segments, it can take place only between structually and ancestrally related segments. And so, in bacteria as well as in higher organisms, the generation of genetic variability is limited to what can be attained by exchanges between different alleles of the same genes or between different genes that have stretches of similar nucleotide

sequences. This requirement imposes severe constraints on the rate of evolution that can be attained through homologous recombination.

Until recently mutation and homologous recombination nevertheless appeared to be the only important

mechanisms for generating biological diversity. They seemed to be able to account for the degree of diversity observed in most species, and the implicit constraints of homologous recombination which prevent the exchange of genetic information between unrelated organisms lacking extensive DNA-sequence similarity appeared to be consistent with both a modest rate of biological evolution and the persistence of distinct species that retain their basic identity generation after generation.

Within the past decade or so, however, it has become increasingly apparent that there are various \recombinational processes, which can join together DNA segments having little or no nucleotide-sequence homology, and that such processes play a significant role in the organization of genetic information and the regulation of its expression. Such recombination is often effected by transposable genetic elements: structurally and genetically discrete segments of DNA that have the ability to move around the chromosomes and the

extrachromosomal DNA molecules or bacteria and higher organisms. Although transposable elements have been studied largely in bacteria cells, they were originally discovered in plants and are now known to exist in animals as well. Because illegitimate recombiantion can join together DNA segments that have little, if any, ancestral relationship, it can affect evolution in quantum leaps as well as in small steps.

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Why Organisms Age

The reasons organisms age have bee much discussed. Some have claimed that senescence is a mechanism for culling the aged from the population to prevent overcrowding. Others have believed aging to be the unavoidable outcome of tissue metabolism. Still others have felt the question of senescence to be largely irrelevant since few wild organisms ever reach the senile state. Modern evolutionary theory has a rationale for senescence which has a firm theoretical base: natural selection of individuals.

One should be skeptical of the claim that oragnisms deteriorate with age as an inevitable outcome of living. Considering the complex morphogenetic changes many organisms undergo during development, it would seem that maintaining what has been formed should be relatively simple. A valid theory of senescence must explain why salmon usually deteriorate rapidly and die after spawning, at an age of two or three, while trees and tortoises may live for hundreds of years without degeneration.

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Senescence, in and of itself, can never help the individual's Darwinian fitness. All else being equal, an organism's chances of perpetuating its genes are better if it is healthy rather than sick, alive rather than dead. If

senescence is to be compatible with natural selection, there must be some concomitant benefit associated with it that outweighs its disadvantage. Since Darwinian fitness is measured by total reproduction, the advantage must be that senescnce is inextricably tied up with reproductive effort.

Consider that all organisms have a finite probability of dying of natural causes within any given time period. This puts a premium on reproducing sooner rather than later. In other words, an oragnism's Darwinian fitness tends to be enhanced by not deferring reproduction till a later time, for that organism might be killed or injured in the interim. The degree of risk of an organism is subject to determines how much pressure there is to reproduce soon.

An insect, for example, may have a ten percent chance of being killed each day; it is not surprising that insects have high reproductive rates, and high rates of senescence. Tortoises, on the other hand, have heavy shells which presumably provide efficient protection against predation and injury; because their mortality risk is low, they are able to rely on long lives and can defer reproduction until times are are most favorable. Their senescence rates are low.

If an organism is able to have more offspring as it ages, it experiences an evolutionary pressure opposing that caused by mortality. In such cases, low senescence rates are favored to take advantage of the increased

reproductive rate at future times. This theory would predict that female fish which produce more eggs as they grow older and larger would age at a much slower rate than male fish whose sperm production does not rise with size.

This line of reasoning suggests that when oragnisms have little or no chance of reproducing, they tend to die early as a result of physical degenerative changes called senescence. But how, then, does this hypothesis explain the continued survival of humans well past reproductive age? Why do human females live long lives after menopause has marked the end of their ability to bear further offspring? There are at least two

explanations. One is that this situation is an evolutionary anomaly: primitive people rarely lived past fifty. But a more complete explanation is that postreproductive people can advance their reproductive fitness through

parental and grandparental care of their descendants: by furnishing advice, food, protection, a place in society, among other things, they can greatly advance the furture reproduction of their already existing descendants. ===============================================================

Photosynthesis

Studies of photosynthesis began in the late eighteenth century. One scientist found that green plants produce a substance (later shown to be oxygen) that supports the flame of a candle in a closed container. Several years later it was discovered that a plant must be exposed to light in order to replenish this flamesustaining

\dioxide.

In 1804, De Saussure conducted experiments revealing that equal volumes of carbon dioxide and oxygen are exchanged between a plant and the air surrounding it. De Saussure determined that the weight gained by a plant grown in a pot equals the sum of the weights of carbon derived from absorbed carbon dioxide and water absorbed through plant roots. Using this information, De Saussure was able to postulate photosynthesis carbon dioxide and water combine using energy in the form of light to produce carbohydrates, water, and free oxygen. Much later, in 1845, scientists' increased undrestanding of concepts of chemical energy led them to perceive that, through photosynthesis, light energy is transformed and stored as chemical energy.

In the twentieth century, studies comparing photosynthesis in green plants and in certain sulfur bacteria yielded important information about the photosynthetic process. Because water is both a reactant and a product in the central reaction, it had long been assumed that the oxygen released by photosynthesis comes from splitting the carbon dioxide molecule. In the 1930's, however, this popular view was decisively altered by the studies of C.B.Van Niel. Van Niel studied sulfur bacteria, which use hydrogen sulfide for photosynthesis in the same way that green plants use water, and produce sulfur instead of oxygen. Van Niel saw that the use of carbon dioxide to form carbohydrates was similar in the two types of organisms. He reasoned that the oxygen produced by green plants must derive from water rather than carbon dioxide, as previously assumed in the same way that the sulfur produced by the bacteria derives from hydrogen sulfide. Van Niel's finding was important because the earlier belief had been that oxygen was split off from carbon dioxide, and that carbon then combined with water

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to form carbohydrates. The new postulate was that, with green plants, hydrogen is removed from water and then combines with carbon dioxide to form the carbohydrates needed by the organism.

Later, Van Niel's assertions were strongly backed by scientists who used water marked with a radioactive isotope of oxygen in order to follow photosynthetic reactions. When the photosynthetically produced free oxygen was analyzed, the isotope was found to be present.

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Genetics and Inheritance

Although genetics is all about inheritance, inheritance is certainly not all about genetics. Nearly all inherited characters more complicated than a single change in the DNA involve gene and environment acting together. It is impossible to sort them into convenient compartments. An attribute such as intelligence is often seen as a cake which can be sliced into so much \blended that trying to separate them is more like trying to unbake the cake. Failure to understand this simple biological fact leads to confusion and worse.

Not far from Herbert Spencer's (and his neighbor Karl Marx's) tomb, in Hampstead a notably affluent part of London is a large red-brick house. It was occupied by Sigmund Freud after he fled Austria to avoid racial policies which descended from the Galtonian ideal. On his desk is a collection of stone axes and ancient figurines. Freud's interest in these lay in his belief that behavior is controlled by biological history.

Everyone, he thought, recapitulates during childhood the phases which humans experienced during evolution. Freud saw unhappinss as a sort of living fossil, the emergence of ancient behavior which was inappropriate today. Like Galton he viewed the human condition as formed by inheritance. The libido and ego are, he wrote, \from its primeval days\illness, he might be able to cure it.

Today's Freudians have moved away from their master's Galtonizing of behavior. They feel that nurture is more important. Analysis looks for childhood events rather than race-memories. In so doing it is in as much danger as was Freud of trying to unbake the cake of human nature. Any attempt to do so is likely to prove futile.

The Siamese cat shows how futile the task may be. Siamese have black fur on the tips of the ears, the tail and the feet, but are white or light brown elsewhere. The cats carry the \in rabbits and guinea pigs (but not, unfortunately, in humans). Breeding experiments show that a single gene inheirted according to Mendel's laws is involved. At first sight, then, the Siamese cat fur is set in its nature: if coat color is controlled by just one gene then surely there is no room for nurture to play a part.

However, the Himalayan mutation is odd. The damaged gene cannot produce pigment at normal body

temperature but works perfectly if it is kept cool. This is why the colder parts of the cat's body, its ears, nose, and tail (and, for a male, its testicles) are darker than the rest. An unusually dark cat can be produced by

keeping a typical Siamese in the cold and a light one by bringing it up in a warm room. Inside every Siamese is a black cat struggling to get out. It is meaningless to ask whether its pattern is due to gene or environment. It is due to both. What the Siamese cat and every living creature inherits is an ability to respond to the environment in which it is placed.

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Taxonomy

Taxonomy, the science of classifying and ordering organisms, has an undeserved reputation as a harmless, and mindless, activity of listing, cataloguing, and describing consider the common idea of a birdwatcher, up at 5:30 in the morning with binoculars, short pants, and \taxonomy is often treated as \

nineteenth centuries, taxonomy was in the forefront of the sciences. The greatest biologists of Europe were professional taxonomists Linnaeus, Cuvier, Lamarck. Darwin's major activity during the twenty years separating his Malthusian insights from the publication of his evolutionary theory was a three-volume work on the

taxonomy of barnacles. Thomas Jefferson took time out from the affairs of the state to publish one of the great taxonomic errors in the history of paleontology he described a giant sloth claw as a lion's three times the size of Africa's version. These heady days were marked by discovery as naturalists collected the fauna and flora of

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previously uncharted regions. They were also marked by the emergence of intellectual structure, as coherent classifications seemed to mirror the order of God's thought.

America played its part in this great epoch of natural history. We ofter forget that 150 years ago much of our continent was as unknown and potentially hazardous as any place on earth. During the eighteenth century, when most naturalists denied the possibility of extinction, explorers expected to find mammoths and other formidable fossil creatures alive in the American West. There are a number of passionate, single-minded

iconoclasts who fought the hostility of the wildness, and often of urban literary people, to disclose the rich fauna and flora of America. For the most part, they worked alone, with small support from patrons or government. The Lewis and Clark expedition is an exception and its primary purpose was not natural history. We may now look upon tales of frontier toughness and perseverance as the necessary mythology of a nation too young to have real legends. But there is often a residue of truth in such tales, and naturalists are among the genuine pioneers.

Alexander Wilson walked from New England to Charleston peddling subscriptions to his American Ornithology. Thomas Nuttall oblivious to danger, a Parsifal under a lucky star, vanquishing every Klingsor in the woods, discovered some of the rarest, most beautiful, and most useful of American plants. J.J.Audubon drank his way across Europe selling his beautiful pictures of birds to lords and kings. John Lawson, captured by Tuscarora Indians, met the following fate according to an eyewitness: \torchwoods like hog's bristles and so set them gradually afire.\and was stomped to death by a bull.

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第二部分医学、生理学

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Theories about Alcoholism

One of the many theories about alcoholism is the learning and reinforcement theory, which explains alcoholism by considering alcohol ingestion as a reflex response to some stimulus and as a way to reduce an inner drive state such as fear or anxiety. Characterizing life situations in terms of approach and avoidance, this theory holds that persons tend to be drawn to pleasant situations and repelled by unpleasant ones. In the latter case, alcohol ingestion is said to reduce the tension or feelings of unpleasantness and to replace them with the feeling of euphoria generally observed in most persons after they have consumed one or more drinks.

Some experimental evidence tends to show that alcohol reduces fear in an approach-aversion situation. Conger trained one group of rats to approach a food goal and, using aversion conditioning, trained another group to avoid electric shock. After an injection of alcohol the pull away from the shock was measurably weaker, while the pull toward the food was unchanged.

The obvious troubles experienced by alcoholic persons appear to contradict the learning theory in the

explanation of alcoholism. The discomfort, pain, and punishment they experience should presumably serve as a deterrent to drinking. The fact that alcoholic persons continue to drink in the face of family discord, loss of

employment, illness, and other sequels of repeated bouts is explained by the proximity of the drive reduction to the consumption of alcohol; that is, alcohol has the immediate effect of reducing tension while the unpleasant consequences of drunken behavior come only later. The learning paradigm, therefore, favors the establishment and repetition of the resort to alcohol.

In fact, the anxietiess and feeling of guilt induced by the consequences of excessive alcohol ingestion may themselves become the signal for another bout of alcohol abuse. The way in which the cue for another bout could be the anxiety itself is explained by the process of stimulus generalization: conditions or events occurring at the time of reinforcement tend to acquire the characteristics of stimuli. When alcohol is consumed in

association with a state of of anxiety or fear, the emotional state itself takes on the properties of a stimulus, thus triggering another drinking bout.

The role of punishment is becoming increasingly important in formulating a cause of alcoholism based on the principles of learning theory. While punishment may serve to suppress a response, experiments have shown that in some cases it can serve as a reward and reinforce the behavior. Thus if the alcoholic person has learned to

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drink under conditions of both reward and punishment, either type of condition may precipitate renewed drinking.

Ample experimental evidence supports the hypothesis that excessive alcohol comsumption can be learned. By gradually increasing the concentration of alcohol in drinking water, psychologists have been able to induce the ingestion of larger amounts of alcohol by an animal than would be normally consumed. Other researchers have been able to achieve similar results by varying the schedule of reinforcement that is, by requiring the animal to consume larger and larger amounts of the alcohol solutions before rewarding it. In this manner, animals learn to drink enough to become dependent on alcohol in terms of demonstrating withdrawal symptoms.

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Chronic Fatigue Syndrome

Studies have shown that certain components of the immune system behave abnormally in people with chronic fatigue syndrome. Chemicals called interleukin-2 and gamma interferon, which the body produces during its battle against cancer and infectious agents, may not be made in normal amounts. There is evidence that a low-grade battle is being waged by the immune system of CFS patients, given the slight increase in the number of white cells that usually accumulate in the blood when people are fighting off an infection. Natural killer cells, though, that also help the body in this battle are found in slightly reduced numbers. It's important to note that clinical depression has the identical small reduction in natural killer-cell activity. In addition, some depressed patients produce higher amounts of antibodies to certain viruses. There may be more of a connection between depression, the immune system, and chronic fatigue syndrome than is realized even now, which introduces the somewhat controversial aspect of the syndrome, its neuropsychological features.

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Antipsychotic Medication

In the 1950s, the development of antipsychotic drugs called neuroleptics radically changed the clinical outlook for patients in mental institutions who had previously been considered hopelessly psychotic. Daily medication controlled delusions and made psychotherapy possible. Many who otherwise might never have left institutions returned to society. Now physicians have learned that there is a price to be paid for these benefits.

Approximately 10 to 15 percent of patients who undergo long-term treatment with antipsychotic drugs develop a cluster of symptoms called tardive dyskinesia, the most common symptoms of which are involuntary repetitive movement of the tongue, mouth, and face, and sometimes the limbs and trunk.

Neuroleptic drugs interfere with the action of dopamine, an important neurotransmitter in the brain, by binding to the dopamine receptors of nerve cells, and dopamine is a prime suspect in the pathophysiology of

schizophrenia. Large doses of drugs such as amphetamines, which stimulate secretion of dopamine, produce a psychosis resembling schizophrenia. Reducing the activtiy of this neurotransmitter alleviates the delusions that cause psychotic behavior. Although the inhibition of dopamine activity can control psychotic behavior, researchers now believe that the central nervous system of some patients adapts to long-term therapy by

increasing the number of specific dopamine binding sites. The net result is dopamine hypersensitivity, which is correlated with the subsequent appearance of tardive dyskinesia.

The risk of developing tardive dyskinesia is not so great that doctors have considered abandoning the use of antipsychotic drugs. Patients generally are bothered only slightly by the physical side effects, though the

abnormal movement are troubling and may hinder social adjustment. Additionally, early diagnosis and prompt discontinuation of the neuroleptics might decrease the incidence of the movement disorders. Unfortunately,

without neurologic drugs, psychotic behavior returns. So researchers have tried to achieve a satisfactory balance between the two effects, lowering dosage to a level that minimizes movement disorders yet controls psychosis. In a five-year study of twenty-seven psychiatric patients treated with neuroleptics representing all classes of antipsychotic drugs, researchers attempted to decrease drug doses to their lowest effective levels. Patient

responses suggested that low to moderate doses of antipsychotic drugs could control psychoses just as well as high doses, and tardive dyskinesia symptoms stabilized and gradually diminished or completely disappeared.

The fact that psychoses can be controlled at the same time that tardive dyskinesia symptoms are reduced suggests that a drug more specifically affecting the mechanism of psychoses might not cause movement

disorders. Sulpiride, a drug not available in the United States but widely used in Europe, where it was developed, may be one such alternative. The drug selectively block D-2 dopamine receptors, perhaps especially those in the limbic area of the brain, which is involved in emotion and behavior. It does not adversely affect the adenylate

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cyclase-linked D-1 dopamine receptors. Sulpiride has proven effective in the short term, but whether it suppresses tardive dyskinesia over a long period of treatment is not yet known.

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Mental Health Care

The mental health movement in the United States began with a period of considerable enlightenment. Dorothea Dix was shocked to find the mentally ill in jails alms houses and crusaded for the establishment of asylums in which people could receive hunmane care in hospital-like environments and treatment which might help restore them to sanity. By the mid-1800s, 20 states had established asylums, but during the late 1800s and early 1900s, in the face of economic depression, legislatures were unable to appropriate sufficient funds for decent care. Asylums became overcrowded and prisonlike. Additionally, patients were more resistant to treatment than the pioneers in the mental health field had anticipated, and security and restraint were needed to protect patients and others. Mental institutions became frightening and depressing places in which the rights of patients were all but forgotten.

These conditions continued until after World War II. At that time, new treatments were discovered for some major mental illnesses theretofore considered untreatable (penicillin for syphilis of the brain and insulin treatment for schizophrenia and depression), and a succession of books, motion pictures and newspaper

exposes called attention to the plight of the mentally ill. Improvements were made, and Dr.David Vail's Humane Practices program is a beacon for today. But changes were slow in coming until the early 1960s. At that time, the Civil Rights Movement led lawyers to investigate America's prisons, which were disproportionately populated by blacks, and they in turn followed prisoners into the only institutions that were worse than the prisons the hospitals for the criminally insane. The prisons were filled with angry young men who, encouraged by legal support, were quick to demand their rights. The hospitals for the criminally insane, by contrast, were populated with people who were considered \severe bodily restraints and large doses of major tranquilizers. The young cadre of public interest lawyers liked their role in the mental hospitals. The lawyers found a population that was both passive and easy to champion. These were, after all, people who, unlike criminals, had done nothing wrong. And in many states they were being kept in horrendous institutions, an injustice which, once exposed, was bound to shock the public and, particularly, the judicial conscience. Patients' right groups successfully encouraged reform by lobbying in state legislatures.

Judicial interventions have had some definite positive effects, but there is growing awareness that courts cannot provide the standards and the review mechanisms that assure good patient care. The details of providing day-to-day care simply cannot be mandated by a court, so it is time to take from the courts the responsibility for delivery of mental health care and assurance of patient rights and return it to the state mental health

administrators to whom the mandate was originally given. Though it is a difficult task, administrators must undertake to write rules and standards and to provide the training and surveillance to assure that treatment is given and patients' rights are respected.

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\

From the time they were first proposed, the 1962 Amendments to the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act have been the subject to controversy among some elements of the health community and the pharmaceutical industry. The Amendments added a new requirement for Food and Drug Administration approval of any new drug: The drug must be demonstrated to be effective by substantial evidence consisting of adequate and well-controlled

investigations. To meet this effectiveness requirement, a pharmaceutical company must spend considerable time and effort in clinical research before it can market a new product in the United States. Only then can it begin to recoup its investment. Critics of the requirement argue that the added expense of the research to establish effectiveness is reflected in higher drug costs, decreased profits, or both, and that this has resulted in a \lag\

The term drug lag has been used in several different ways. It has been argued that the research required to prove effectiveness creates a lag between the time when a drug could theoretically be marketed without proving effectiveness and the time when it is actually marketed. Drug lag has also been used to refer to the difference between the number of new drugs introduced annually before 1962 and the number of new drugs introduced each year after that date. It's also argued that the Amendments resulted in a lag between the time when new drugs are available in other countries and the time when the same drugs are available in the United States. And

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drug lag has also been used to refer to a difference in the number of new drugs introduced per year in other advanced nations and the number introduced in the same year in the United States.

Some critics have used drug lag arguments in an attempt to prove that the 1962 Amendments have actually reduced the quality of health care in the United States and that, on balance, they have done more harm than good. These critics recommend that the effectiveness requirements be drastically modified or even scrapped. Most of the specific claims of the drug lag theoreticians, however, have been refuted. The drop in new drugs approved annually, for example, began at least as early as 1959, perhaps five years before the new law fully effective. In most istances, when a new drug was available in a foreign country but not in the United States, other effective drugs for the condition were available in this country and sometimes not available in the foreign country used for comparison. Further, although the number of new chemical entities introduced annually

dropped from more than 50 in 1959 to about 12 to 18 in the 1960's and 1970's, the number of these that can be termed important some of them of \Few, if any, specific examples have actually been offered to show how the effectiveness requirements have

done significant harm to the health of Americans. The requirement does ensure that a patient exposed to a drug has the likelihood of benefiting from it, an assessment that is most important, considering the possibility, always present, that adverse effects will be discovered later.

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Health Problems in U.S.

The most damning thing that can be said about the world's best-endowed and richest country is that it is not only the leader in health status, but that it is so low in the ranks of the nations. The united States ranks 18th among nations of the world in male life expectancy at birth, 9th in female life expectancy at birth, and 12th in infant mortality. More importantly, huge variations are evident in health status in the United States from one place to the next and from one group to the next.

The forces that affect health can be aggregated into four groupings that lend themselves to analysis of all health problems. Clearly the largest aggregate of forces resides in the person's environment. His own behavior, in part derived from his experiences with his environment, is the next greatest force affecting his health. Medical care services, treated as separate from other environmental factors because of the special interest we have in them, make a modest contribution to health status. Finally, the contributions of heredity to health are difficult to judge. We are templated at conception as to our basic weaknesses and strengths, but many hereditary attributes never become manifest because of environmental and behavioral forces that act before the genetic forces come to maturity and other hereditary attributes are increasingly being palliated by medical care.

No other country spends what we do per capita for medical care. The care available is among the best

technically, even if used too lavishly and thus dangerously, but none of the countries which stand above us in health status have such a high proportion of medically disenfanchised persons. Given the evidence that medical care is not that valuable and access to care not that bad, it seems most unlikely that our bad showing is caused by the significant proportion who are poorly served. Other hypotheses have greater explanatory power: excessive poverty, both actual and relative, and excessive affluence.

Excessive poverty is probably more prevalent in the United States than in any of the countries that have a better infant mortality rate and female life expectancy at birth. This is probably true also for all but four of five of the countries with a longer male life expectancy. In the notably poor countries that exceed us in male survival, difficult living conditions are a more accepted way of life, and, in several of them, a good basic diet, basic

medical care, basic education and lifelong employment opportunities are an everyday fact of life. In the United States a national unemployment level of 10 percent may be 40 percent in the ghetto, while less than 4 percent elsewhere. The countries that have surpassed us in health do not have such severe or entrenched problems. Nor are such a high proportion of their people involved in them.

Excessive affluence is not so obvious a cause of ill health, but, at least until recently, few other nations could afford such unhealthful ways of living. Excessive intake of animal protein and fats, dangerous imbibing of alcohol, use of tobaco and drugs (prescribed and proscribed), and dangerous recreational sports and driving habits are all possible only because of affluence. Our heritage, desires, opportunities and our macho, combined with the relatively low cost of bad foods and speedy vehicles, make us particularly vulnerable to our affluence. And those who are not affluent try harder. Our unacceptable health status, then, will not be improved

appreciably by expanded medical resources nor by their redistribution so much as a general attempt to improve the quality of life for all.

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Drug Labeling

Under existing law, a new drug may be labeled, promoted, and advertised only for those conditions in which safety and effectiveness have been demonstrated and of which the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has approved, or so-called \legally promoted. In a real sense, the term \categories of marketed drugs that are very different: drugs which are potentially harmful and will never be approved, and already approved drugs that have \insights to demonstrate valid new uses for drugs already on the market. Also, there are numerous examples of medical progress resulting from the serendipitous observations and therapeutic innovations of physicians, both important methods of discovery in the field of therapeutics. Before such advances can result in new indications for inclusion in drug labeling, however, the available data must meet the legal standard of substantial evidence derived from adequate and well controlled clinical trials. Such evidence may require time to develop, and,

without initiative on the part of the drug firm, it may not occur at all for certain uses. However, because medical literatures on new uses exists and these uses are medically beneficial, physicians often use these drugs for such purposes prior to FDA review or changes in labeling. This is referred to as \

A different problem arises when a particular use for a drug has been examined scientifically and has been found to be ineffective or unsafe, and yet physicians who either are uninformed or who refuse to accept the available scientific evidence continue to use the drug in this way. Such use may have been reviewed by the FDA and rejected, or, in some cases, the use may actually be warned against in the labeling. This subset of uses may be properly termed \

Government policy should minimize the extent of unlabeled uses. If such uses are valid and many are it is important that scientifically sound evidence supporting them be generated and that the regulatory system accommodate them into drug labeling. Continuing rapid advances in medical care and the complexity of drug usage, however, makes it impossible for hte government to keep drug labeling up to date for every conceivable situation. Thus, when a particular use of this type appears, it is also important, and in the interest of good medical care, that no stigma attached to \assembled between the time of discovery and the time the new use is included in the labeling. In the case of \drug for these purposes by the uninformed or intransigent physician constitutes a violation of the current

Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act is a matter of debate that involves a number of technical and legal issues. Regardless of that, the inclusion of disapproved uses in the form of contraindications, warnings and other precautionary statements in package inserts is an important practical deterrent to improper use. Except for clearly disapproved uses, however, it is in the best interests of patient care that physicians not be constrained by regulatory statutes from exercising their best judgment in prescribing a drug for both its approved uses and any unlabeled uses it may have.

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Laughter and Health

Due to the involuntary, simultaneous contraction of 15 facial muscles, the upper lip is raised, partially

uncovering the teeth and effecting a downward curving of the furrows that extend from the wings of both

nostrils to the corners of the mouth. This produces a puffing out of the cheeks on the outer side of the furrows. Creases also occur under the eyes and may become permanent at the side edges of the eye. The eyes undergo reflex lacrimation and vascular engorgement. At the same time, an abrupt strong expiration of air is followed by spasmodic contractions of the chest and diaphragm resulting in a series of expiration-inspiration microcycles with interval pauses. The whole body may be thrown backward, shaken, or convulsed due to other spasmodic skeletal muscle contractions. We call this condition laughter.

Of all human expressive behaviors, laughter has proven a most fascinating enigma to philosophers and scientists alike. Its psychology, neurology, and anthropological origins and purpose are only partially defined. But its effects and uses are becoming increasingly apparent to health care professionals.

Laughter is considered to be an innate human response which develops during the first few weeks of life.

Evidence of the innate quality of laughter is seen in its occurrence in deaf and blind infants and children who are completely without visual or auditory clues from their environment. Darwin propounded in his _Principle of Antithesis_ that laughter develops as the infant's powerful reward signal of comfort and well-being to the

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nurturing adult. This signal is totally antithetical perceptually to the screams or cries of distress associated with discomfort. Laughter seems to play an important role in the promotion of social unity, production of a sense of well-being, communication of well-being, and as a mechanism for coping with stressful situations. Physiologically, both reflexive (tickle-response) and hear-felt (mental response) laughter effect changes to the human system which may be significant in the treatment and prevention of illness. These include laughter's association with an increase in pulse rate, probably due to increased levels of circulatory catecholamines (blood catecholamine levels vary directly with the intensity of laughter). There is an increase in respiration. There is a decrease in blood CO2 levels. There is a possible increase in secretion of brain and pituitary endorphins the body's natural anesthetics which relieve pain, inhibit emotional response to pain, and thus reduce suffering. There is a decrease in red blood cell sedimentation rate (\inflammation).

While it is possible that the effect laughter and other salutary emotions have is primarily one of a placebo, this in no way minimizes the therapeutic potential for these emotions. Hippocrates propounded that the mind and body are one. It may be possible that there is a physical chemistry associated with the will to live. Further investigaton of the effects of positive emotions upon health and well-being may give us the keys to unlocking the power of the life force.

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Sleep

Experimental studies of sleep deprivation have been conducted for a number of years in an effort to determine the function of sleep. Theoretically, if sleep plays any biologically or psychologically essential role in the life of an organism, that role should become apparent when the organism has been systematically deprived of sleep. However, the results of the experiments that have been conducted are not clear-cut. In some experiments, subjects deprived of sleep for period of two hundred hours or more have been able to function on an almost normal level. The results of certain early studies, which seemed to suggest that psychotic-like symptoms, including hallucinations, loss of identity, and bizarre behavior, would routinely occur after a lengthy period of enforced sleeplessness, have not been confirmed. When these symptoms have occurred, it has generally been in subjects whose history revealed a predisposition to mental instability. In any case, the adverse effects of sleeplessness have been found to persist only rarely beyond a one; or two-day period of recovery sleep following the experimental vigil.

Certain relatively mild reactions to prolonged sleep deprivation do occur with some regularity. Hand tremors, slurred speech, and insensitivity to visual, aural, and tactile stimulation are common in sleep-deprived subjects. There is usually some loss of efficiency in the performance of tasks, although the nature and degree of the loss depends on the type of task imposed. Tasks for which the subject is able to set his or her own work pace are affected very slightly by sleep deprivation. On the other hand, when task itself imposes a particular work pace, accuracy and efficiency are likely to drop dramatically. Lengthy tasks requiring thirty minutes or more of

continuous work are more adversely affected, as are tasks requiring alertness to fleeting sensory stimuli. Some theorists contend that the difficulties encountered with work-paced tasks by sleep-deprived persons can be

explained by the phenomenon of \Microsleep episodes, while brief and often undetected by the subject, are thought to be likely to cause errors of omission in the performance of a task.

At the completion of an experimental vigil, most subjects engage in a twelve-to fourteen-hour period of sleep, after which most effects of the deprivation are gone. For the first two or three nights after the vigil, the usual pattern of sleep stages recorded by the electroencephalogram (EEG) is generally disrupted. The first recovery night includes a much greater amount than usual of stage-4 sleep (the deepest form of sleep), with correspondingly shorter periods of stage1, stage-2, stage-3, and REM sleep. The second recovery night

generally includes slightly more stage-4 sleep than usual, but more striking is the sharp increase in REM sleep, the type of sleep associated with dreaming. The marked rebound in REM sleep after a period of enforced wakefulness generally supports the notion that some minimum amount of dreaming is necessary for full psychological health, although it leaves obscure the question as to exactly how or why.

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Anxiety Disorders

Observers studying anxiety, including Freud, long predicted that brain and central nervous system could be found to be functioning abnormally in patients with serious anxiety disorders. Their predictions remained

speculative, however, because researchers were limited by the methods and knowledge of their times. Today,

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because of recent technological advances, much of the research being done on anxiety and related disorders focuses on the brain and nervous system. Some biological research workers attempt to understand anxiety disorders by experimentally producting anxiety in humans and other animals. Ohters study the physical

symptoms commonly associated with phobias or panic to see whether they play a role in causing the disorders.

Research on neurotransmitters, the chemicals that carry messages from one nerve cell to another, has not found serious malfunctions associated with anxiety. But indirect measures suggest some abnormalities, particularly in the neurotransmitter norepinephrine. Scientists are, however, still far from being able to say whether brain malfunciton some genetic fault coded into the person's hereditary apparatus, for example is the cause of anxiety disorders.

Experts disagree about the meaning of some research findings. One problem they cite is that while studies

focusing on the brain's processing of anxiety-reducing drugs suggest how the brain functions during episodes of severe anxiety, they prove nothing definitive. Another problem they cite is that most research has necessarily been confined to animals; whether the results apply to humans is not certain. Nevertheless, pieces of the neuroscientific puzzle have been found, and they are beginning to fall into place.

Investigators have identified several substances over the past few years that can actually produce panic attacks, though apparently only in people who have already experienced such attacks. This line of evidence suggests that patients subject to panic attacks may be biologically different from other people. It also offers clues to just what those differences might be. The ability to induce panic attacks gives research investigators a powerful tool for understanding them.

The most thoroughly studied of the anxiety-producing chemicals is sodium lactate. The use of this substance to induce panic attacks is based on the observation that some people who suffer extreme episodes of anxiety produce an excessive amount of the chemical lactate after routine exercise. For these people, exercise can actually set off a panic attack. Researchers have found that sodium lactate triggers panic attacks in a full 80 percent of patients with panic disorder, but in less than 20 percent of normal people. Lactate infusions may provide a means of suggesting which patients are biologically prone to panic attacks and thus apt to respond to drug treatment. It is unlikely, however, that lactate infusions will ever be a sure test.

Although less intensively studied, caffeine is another substance that can produce panic attacks in susceptible persons. About half of panic-disorder patients have panic experiences after consuming a quantitiy of caffeine equivalent to that contained in four or five cups of coffee. (Normal people also experience panic, but only after they ingest much larger quantities of caffeine.) Caffeine is thought to produce its effects by blocking the action of a brain chemical known as adenosine, a naturally occurring sedative. Clinical investigators have found that many people with panic attacks avoid caffeine after noticing that it cause attacks.

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Memory and Emotion

Most of our knowledge about how the brain links memory and emotion has been gleaned through the study of so-called classical fear conditioning. In this process the subject, usually a rat, hears a noise or sees a flashing light that is paired with a brief, mild electric shock to its feet. After a few such experiences, the rat responds automatically to the sound or light even in the absence of the shock. Its reactions are typical to any threatening situation: the animal freezes, its blood pressure and heart rate increase, and it startles easily. In the language of such experiments, the noise or flash is a conditioned stimulus, the foot shock is an unconditioned stimulus, and the rat's reaction is a conditioned response, which consists of readily measured behavioral and physiological changes.

Conditioning of this kind happens quickly in rats indeed, it takes place as rapidly as it does in humans. A single pairing of the shock to the sound or sight can bring on the conditioned effect. Once established, the fearful reaction is relatively permanent. If the noise or light is administered many times without an accompnaying electric shock, the rat's response diminishes. This change is called extinction. But considerable evidence

suggests that this behavioral alteration is the result of the brain's controlling the fear response rather than the elimination of the emotional memory. For example, an apparently extinguished fear response can recover spontaneously or can be reinstated by an irrelevant stressful experience. Similarly, stress can cause the

reappearance of phobias in people who have been successfully treated. This resurrection demonstrates that the emotional memory underlying the phobia was rendered dormant rather than erased by treatment.

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Fear conditioning has proved an ideal starting point for studies of emotional memory for several reasons. First, it occurs in nearly every animal group in which it hs been examined: fruit flies, snails, birds, lizards, fish, rabbits, rats, monkeys, and people. Although no one claims that the mechanisms are precisely the same in all these creatures, it seems clear from studies to date that the pathways are very similar in mammals and possibly in all vertebrates. We therefore are confident in believing that many of the findings in animals apply to humans. In addition, the kinds of stimuli most commonly used in this type of conditioning are not signals that rats or humans, for that matter encounter in their daily lives. The novelty and irrelevance of these lights and sounds help to ensure that the animals have not already developed strong emotional reactions to them. So researchers are clearly observing learning and memory at work. At the same time, such cues do not require complicated cognitive processing from the brain. Consequently, the stimuli permit us to study emotional mechanisms

relatively directly. Finally, our extensive knowledge of the neural pathways involved in processing acoustic and visual information serves as an excellent starting point for examining the neurological foundations of fear elicited by such stimuli.

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Blood Identification in Crime Detection

Methods for typing blood were developed around the turn of the century, about the same time that fingerprints were first used for identification. Only in the last decade or two, however, have scientists begun to believe that genetic markers in blood and other bodily fluids may someday prove as useful in crime detection as fingerprints.

The standard ABO blood typing has long been used as a form of negative identification. Added sophistication came with the discovery of additional subgroups of genetic markers in blood and with the discovery that genetic markers are present not only in blood but also in other bodily fluids, such as perspiration and saliva.

These discoveries were of little use in crime detection, however, because of the circumstances in which police scientists must work. Rather than a plentiful sample of blood freshly drawn from a patient, the crime laboratory is likely to receive only a tiny fleck of dried blood of unknown age from an unknown \scrap of rag that has spent hours or days exposed to air, high temperature, and other contaminants.

British scientists found a method for identifying genetic markers more precisely in small samples. In this process, called electrophoresis, a sample is placed on a tray containing a gel through which an electrical current is then passed. A trained analyst reads the resulting patterns in the gel to determine the presence of various chemical markers.

Electrophoresis made it possible to identify several thousand subgroups of blood types rather than the twelve known before. However, the equipment and special training required were expensive. In addition, the process could lead to the destruction of evidence. For example, repeated test of a blood-flecked shirt one for each marker led to increasing deterioration of the evidence and the cost of a week or more of laboratory time.

It remained for another British researcher, Brian Wrexall, to demonstrate that simultaneous analyses, using an inexpensive electrophoresis apparatus, could test for ten different genetic markers within a 24-hour period. This development made the study of blood and other fluid samples an even more valuable for crime detection. ===============================================================

In Vitro Culturing

Two techniques have recently been developed to simplify research and reduce the number of nonhuman primates needed in studies of certain complex hormonal reactions. One technique involves the culturing of

primate pituitary cells and the cells of certain human tumors. In the other, animal oviduct tissue is transplanted under the skin of laboratory primates. Both culturing techniques complement existing methods of studying intact animals.

With an in vitro culturing technique, researchers are deciphering how biochemical agents regulate the secretion of prolactin, the pituitary hormone that promotes milk production. The cultured cells survive for as long as a month, and they do not require serum, a commonly used culture ingredient that can influence cellular function and confound study results. One primate pituitary gland may yield enough cells for as many as 72 culture dishes, which otherwise would require as many animals.

The other technique allows scientists to monitor cellular differentiation in the reproductive tracts of female

monkeys. While falling short of the long-sought goal of developing an in vitro model of the female reproductive

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system, the next best alternative was achieved. The method involves transplanting oviduct tissue to an easily accessible site under the skin, where the grafted cells behave exactly as if they were in their normal

environment. In about 80 percent of the grafts, blood vessels in surrounding abdominal skin grow into and

begin nourishing the oviduct tissue. Otherwise, the tissue is largely isolated, walled of by the surrounding skin. A cyst forms that shrinks and swells in tandem with stages of the menstrual cycle. With about 80 percent of the grafts reestablishing themselves in the new site, a single monkey may bear as many as 20 miniature oviducts that are easily accessible for study. Because samples are removed with a simple procedure requiring only local anesthesia, scientists can track changes in oviduct cell over short intervals. In contrast, repeated analysis of cellular changes within the oviduct itself would require abdominal surgery every time a sample was taken a procedure that the animals could not tolerate.

Scientists are using the grating technique to study chlamydia infections, a leading cause of infertility among women. By infecting oviduct tissues transplanted into the abdominal skin of rhesus monkeys, researchers hope to determine how the bacteria cause pelvic inflammatory disease and lesions that obstruct the oviduct. Such research could eventually lead to the development of antibodies to the infectious agent and a strategy for producing a chlamydia vaccine.

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Development and Human Immaturity

Man, so the truism goes, lives increasingly in a man-made environment. This places a special burden on human immaturity, for it is plain that adapting to such variable conditions must depend very heavily on opportunities for learning, or whatever the processes are that are operative during immaturity. It must also mean that during immaturity man must master knowledge and skills that are neither stored in the gene pool nor learned by direct encounter, but which are contained in the culture pool knowledge about values and history, skills as varied as an obligatory natural language or an optional mathematical one, as mute as levers or as articulate as myth telling.

Yet, it would be a mistake to leap to the conclusion that because human immaturity makes possible high

flexibility, therefore anything is possible for the species. Human traits were selected for their survival value over a four-to five-million-year period with a great acceleration of the selection process during the last half of that period. There were crucial, irreversible changes during that final man-making period: recession of formidable dentition, 50-percent increase in brain volume, the obstetrical paradox bipedalism and strong pelvic girdle, larger brain through a smaller birth canal immature brain at birth, and creation of what Washburn has called a \

Note, however, that hominidization consisted principally of adaptations to conditions in the Pleistocene. These preadaptations, shaped in response to earlier habitat demands, are part of man's evolutionary inheritance. This is not to say that close beneath the skin of man is naked ape, that civilization is only a veneer. The technical-social way of life is a deep feature of the species adaptation, but we would err if we assumed a priori that man's inheritance placed no constraint on his power to adapt. Some of the preadaptations can be shown to be presently maladaptive. Man's inordinate fondness for fats and sweets no longer serves his individual survival well. And the human obsession with sexuality is plainly not fitted for survival of the species now, however well it might have served to populate the upper Pliocene and the Pleistocene. Nevertheless, note that the species

responds typically to these challenges by technical innovation rather than by morphological or behavioral change. Contraception dissociates sexuality from reproduction. We do not, of course, know what kinds and what range of stresses are produced by successive rounds of such technical innovation. Dissociating sexuality and

reproduction, for example, surely produces changes in the structure of the family, which in turn redefine the role of women, which in turn alters the authority pattern affecting the child, etc. Continuing and possible

accelerating change seems inherent in such adaptation. And this, of course, places an enormous pressure on man's uses of immaturity, preparing the young for unforeseeable change the more so if there are severe restraints imposed by human preadaptations to earlier conditions of life.

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Human Immune System

The key to the human immune system is its ability to distinguish between self and nonself. Molecules that mark a cell as self are encoded by a group of genes contained in a section of a specific chromosome and are known as the major histocompatibility complex, or MHC. An antigen, which is any substance such as a virus, a

bacterium, a fungus, or a parasite that is capable of triggering a response, announces its foreignness by means of intricate and characteristic shapes called epitopes, which protrude from its surface. Cells in the immune

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system are capable of recognizing an endless variety of distinguishable epitopes; the body will even reject nourishing proteins unless they are first broken down by the digestive system into their primary, nonantigenic building blocks. Tissues or cells from another individual, except an identical twin whose cells carry identical self-markers, also act as antigens. Because MHC genes and the molecules they encode vary widely in the details of their structure from one individual to another a diversity known as polymorphism, transplants are very likely to be identified as foreign by the immune system and rejected.

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Lungs

The lungs, shaped roughly like triangles or pyramids, rest in the chest cavity on the diaphragm (a muscular tissue that separates the abdominal cavity from the chest). They are separated by the large blood vessels, the esophagus, and the heart.

The main function of the lungs is to keep the body supplied with oxygen (lungs are unnecessary in water-dwelling animals as water removes the waste gases and supplies the cells with the needed oxygen). When

oxygen enters the lungs, it permeates the walls of the air ascs and is absorbed into the bloodstream. The blood travels through the body, giving oxygen to the tissues and receiving carbon dioxide.

The lungs, consisting primarily of air sacs, average between three and four pounds. Healthy lungs are gray and blotchy in appearance. The idea of the bright pink lung is widespread but erroneous. However, lungs do become grossly discolored by disease and smoking.

More than five hundred million alveoli (air sacs) are in the lungs. The alveoli are hollows formed by the

bronchioles, which are the smallest version of the air passages known as the bronchial tubes. The alveoli are clusters (something like soap suds) that are found at the end of the bronchioles. The right lung has three lobes (large cluster of alveoli), while the left lung has two.

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Skin

Because human anatomy does not change (except over long periods of time), knowledge acquired a century ago is still accurate today. Broad functions of any part of the body, such as the skin, are duplicated in different ways by other organs. One can eventually understand the entire body as a larger system made up of smaller, interdependent systems.

A cross-section of the skin reveals a top layer of epidermis, or cuticle, followed by derma, and finally,

subcutaneous cellular tissue. Sprouting through all three layers are hairs, with hair follicles and erector pili

muscles embedded deep within the subcutaneous tissue. Sweat (sudoriferous glands), fat cells, and sebaceous glands are scattered throughout, while papillae, which are conical and extremely sensitive, can be found directly beneath the superficial layer.

The skin is the primary organ of the sense of touch. It can excrete substances as well as absorb them, and it plays a vital role in regulating body temperature and in protecting the tissues that lie beneath it.

The epidermis has no veins or arteries and varies considerably both in thickness and in the depth or fineness of its furrows. On the palm, for example, the skin is quite thick, or horny, and is marked by deep furrows or lines. On the back of the hand, however, the skin is less thick, and has only a faint network of lines crisscrossing it. The pigment found in the epideremis gives whatever color there is to the skin; this pigment is similar to that found in the retina of the eye. One layer down, in the derma, there is similar variation in thickness, mostly to protect underlying tissue.

In the derma lies the vascular system, thich includes nerves, blood vessels, and lymphatics. The derma is

divided into two sub-layers: the reticular layer and the papillary layer, which is closer to the epidermis. The less sensitive the skin, the fewer papillae reside there; in the most sensitive places, such as the fingertips and the nipples, the papillae are long, large, and grouped closely together to form parallel arcs with ducts to sweat glands lying in between. Under the papillary layer, and conforming to it, is the reticular layer, composed of fibrous bands and elastic tissue, and interlaced by fat and sudoriferous glands. The basic functions of muscular contraction, vascular transport, nerve communication, and protection all take place in the various layers of the skin, so that understanding the components of the skin and how they work together is a helpful step in understanding the complex anatomy of the human body.

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Obesity

In terms of its prevalence, obesity is the leading disease in the United States. Obesity may be defined as a condition of excess adipose tissue, as fatness beyond cultural esthetic norms, or as adipose tissue tending to disrupt good health of mind and body. A common rule of thumb is that people moe than 20 pounds above their desirable weights are obese. By this measure, 30 percent of men and 40 percent of women in America are

obese. Despite the prevalence of the disease, curative measures are almost impossible for those currently obese; future generations may be spared.

Adipose tissue is triumph of evolution. Fat yields 9.0 calories per gram, while carbohydrates and protein each 4.0 calories per gram, and fat contains much less water than does protein. It is, therefore, much more efficient to store excess energy as fat than as protein. Primitive man, with uncertain food sources, had great need for excess fat, but modern Western man, with predictable food supply and sedentary lifestyle, is burdened by this evolutionary vestige. This is not to say that modern man has no need at all for adipose tissue; on the contrary, he needs it if for such important purposes as insulation from cold, and protection of organs from injury.

The problem Americans face is losing excess adipose tissue, and they turn from one fad diet to another. Despite a billion-dollar diet industry, the five-year cure rate of obesity is almost zero. Cancer is more curable. The reasons for this are psychological as well as physiological.

From a physical standpoint, losing a pound or two a week for a few weeks is not difficult, for most of the loss is in the form of protein and water, and protein carries with it four times its weight in water. However, when the body has been in negative nitrogen balance for too long, it acts to correct the situation by taking in as much or more nitrogen than it excretes. Since protein is the only source of nitrogen in the diet, any future weight loss must come from adipose tissue, the very compactness of which makes losing weight a very slow and tedious task. If caloric expenditure exceeds intake by 500 calories, only 62 grams of adipose tissue can be lost as compared with 620 grams of protein and associated water. The body's tendency to return to nitrogen balance can be so strong that the dieter may actually gain weight while still expending more calories than he is ingesting. Faced with a discontinuance of weight loss, or even a weight gain, while still adhering to a previously successful diet tends to lead dieters to suffer depression, hunger, decreased metabolic rate, inactivity, and weakness, which in turn lead to the diet's abandonment. The strong tendency then is for rapid weight gain, probably from numerous psychological factors as well as such physiological ones as increased lipid synthesis.

Obese people tend to be hypertensive, diabetic, and, because they are relatively insensitive to insulin's effects, hyperinsulinemic. Weight loss is associated with improvement in all these categories. Further, obesity is

correlated with increased serum lipids (such as cholisterol), a condition which is additionally significant because of its role in atherosclerotic heart disease, by far the leading cause of death in th United States.

While vigorous attempts to reduce obesity in America should be aimed at all affected, the most successful efforts are likely to be those directed toward children. If the advertising and food industries stop trying to sell high-caloric, low-nutritive-value foods to children, if parents reserve sweets as treats for special occasions, and if mothers and fathers are successfully educated to understand that the feeding patterns they impose on their infants and children can determine the adolescent and adult eating habits those children will develop, the future generation may not be as fat as ours is.

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Treatment of Myocardial Injury

Nitroglycerin has long been famous for its relief of angina pectoris attacks but ruled out for heart attacks on the theory that it harmfully lowers blood pressure and increases heart rate. A heart attack, unlike an angina attack, always involves some localized, fairly rapid heart muscle death, or myocardial infarction. This acute emergency happens when the arteriosclerotic occlusive process in one of coronary arterial branches culminates so suddenly and completely that the local myocardium the muscle area that was fed by the occluded coronary stops

contracting and dies over a period of hours, to be replaced over a period of weeks by a scar, or \

In 1974, in experiments with dogs, it was discovered that administration of nitroglycerin during the acute stage of myocardial injury, provided that the dog's heart rate and blood pressure were maintained in the normal range. Soon after, scientists made a preliminary confirmation of the clinical applicability of nitroglycerin in acute heart attack in human patients. Five of twelve human subjects developed some degree of congestive heart failure.

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Curiously, the nitroglycerin alone was enough to reduce the magnitude of injury in these five patients, but the other seven patients, whose heart attacks were not complicated by any congestive heart failure, were not consistently helped by the nitroglycerin until another drug, phenylephrine, was added to abolish the

nitroglycerin-induced drop in blood pressure. One explanation for this is that the reflex responses in heart rate, mediated through the autonomic nervous system, are so blunted in congestive heart failure that a fall in blood pressure prompts less of the cardiac acceleration which otherwise worsens the damage of acute myocardial infarction.

It appears that the size of the infarct that would otherwise result from a coronary occlusion might be greatly reduced, and vitally needed heart muscle thus saved, by the actions of certain drugs and other measures taken during the acute phase of the heart attack. This is because the size of the myocardial infarct is not really

determined at the moment of the coronary occlusion as previously thought. The fate of the stricken myocardial segment remains largely undetermined, hanging on the balance of myocardial oxygen supply and demand which can be favorably influenced for many hours after the coronary occlusion. So it is possible to reduce the myocardial ischemic injury during acute human heart attacks by means of nitroglycerin, either alone or in combination with phenylephrine.

Other drugs are also being tested to reduce myocardial infarct size, particularly drugs presumed to affect myocardial oxygen supply and demand, including not only vessel dilators such as nitroglycerin but also

antihypertensives, which block the sympathetic nerve reflexes that increase heart rate and work in response to exertion and stress. Such measures are still experimental, and there is no proof of benefit with regard to the great complications of heart attack such as cardiogenic shock, angina, or mortality. But the drugs for reducing infarct size now hold center stage in experimental frameworks.

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Preventive Medicine and Curative Medicine

According to legend, Aesculapius bore two daughters, Panacea and Hyegeia, who gave rise to dynasties of healers and hygienists. The schism remains today, in clinical training and in practice; and because of the imperative nature of medical care and the subtlety of health care, the former has tended to dominate.

Preventive medicine has as its primary objective the maintenance and promotion of health. It accomplishes this by controlling or manipulating environmental factors that affect health and disease. For example, in Califorina presently there is serious suffering and substantial economic loss because of the failure to introduce controlled fluoridation of public water supplies. Additionally, preventive medicine applies prophylacitc measures against disease by such actions as immunization and specific nutritional measures. Third, it attempts to motivate people to adopt healthful life-styles through education.

For the most part, curative medicine has as its primary objective the removal of disease from the patient. It provides diagnostic techniques to identify the presence and nature of the disease process. While these may be applied on a mass basis in an attempt to \after the patient appears with a complaint. Second, it applies treatment to the sick patient. In every case, this is, or should be, individualized according to the particular need of each patient. Third, it utilizes rehabilitation methodologies to return the treated patient to the best possible level of functioning.

While it is true that both preventive medicine and curative medicine require cadres of similarly trained personnel such as planners, administrators, and educators, the underlying delivery systems depend on quite distinctive professional personnel. The requirements for curative medicine call for clinically trained individuals who deal with patients on a one-to-one basis and whose training is based primarily on an understanding of the biological, pathological, and psychological processes that determine an individual's health and disease status. The locus for this training is the laboratory and clinic. Preventive medicine, on the other hand, calls for a very broad of

professional personnel, few of whom require clinical expertise. Since their actions apply either to environmental situations or to population groups, their training takes place in a different type of laboratory or in a community not necessarily associated with the clinical locus.

The economic differences between preventive medicine and curative medicine have been extesively descussed, perhaps most convincingly by Winslow in the monograph. _The Cost of Sickness and the Price of Health_. The sickness is almost always a negative, nonproductive and harmful state. All resources expended to deal with sickness are therefore fundamentally economically unproductive. Health, on the other hand, has a very high value in our culture. To the extent that healthy members of the population are replaced by sick members, the economy is doubly burdened. Neveretheless, the per capita cost of preventive measures for specific diseases is

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generally far lower than the per capita cost of curative medicine applied to treatment of the same disease. Prominent examples are dental caries, poliomyelitis and phenylketonuria.

There is an imperative need to provide care for the sick person within a single medical care system, but there is no overriding reason why a linkage is necessary between the two components of a health care system,

prevention and treatment. A natioanl health and medical care program composed of semiautonomous systems for personal health care and medical care would have the advantage of clarifying ovjectives and strategies and of permitting a more equitable division of resources between prevention and cure.

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Hypertension

Although it is now possibe to bring most high blood pressure under control, the cause of essential hypertension remains elusive. Undrstanding how hypertension begins is at least partly a problem of understanding when in life it begins. and this may be very early perhaps within the first few months of life. Since the beginning of the century, physicians have been aware that hypertension may run in families, but before the 1970's, studies of the familial aggregation of blood pressure treated only populations 15 years of age or older. Few studies were attempted in younger persons because of a prevailing notion that blood pressures in this age group were difficult to measure and unreliable and because essential hypertension was widely regarded as a disease of adults.

In 1971, a study of 700 children, age 2 to 14, used a special blood pressure recorder which minimizes observer error and allows for standardization of blood pressure readings. Before then, it had been well established that the blood pressure of adults aggregates familiarly, that is, the similarities between the blood pressure of an individual and his siblings are generally too great to be explained by chance. The 1971 study showed that familial clustering was measurable in children as well, suggesting that factors responsible for essential

hypertension are acquired in childhood. Additional epidemiological studies demonstrated a clear tendency for the children to retain the same blood pressure patterns, relative to their peers, four years later. Thus, a child with blood pressure higher or lower than the norm would tend to remain higher or lower with increasing age.

Meanwhile, other investigators uncovered a complex of physiologic roles including blood pressure for a

vasoactive system called the kallikrein-kinin system. Kallikreins are enzymes in the kidney and blood plasma which act on precursors called kininogens to produce vasoactive peptides called kinins. Several different kinins are produced, at least three of which are powerful blood vessel dilators. Apparently, the kallikrein-kinin system normally tends to offset the elevations in arterial pressure that result from the secretion of salt-conserving hormones such as aldosterone on the one hand and from activation of the sympathetic nervous system (which tends to constrict blood vessels) on the other hand.

It is also known that urinary kalikrein excretion is abnormally low in subjects with essential hypertension. Levels of urinary kallikrein in children are inversely related to the diastolic blood pressures of both children and their mothers. Children with the lowest kallikrein levels are found in the families with the highest blood pressures. In addition, black children tend to show somewhat lower urinary kallikrein levels than white children, and blacks are more likely to have high blood pressure. There is a great deal to be learned about the biochemistry and physiologic roles of the kallikrein-kinin system. But there is the possibility that essential hypertension will prove to have biochemical precursors.

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Asbestos

In Aachen, Germany, and environs, many children have been found to have an unusually high lead content in their blood and hair. The amount of lead in the children tested has risen above the amount found in workers in heavy-metal industries. The general public is no longer surprised that the lead has been traced to Stolberg near Aachen: Stolberg is surrounded by brass foundries and slag heaps which supply building materials to construct schoolyards and sports halls.

This is but one example ...

When Dr. John W. Gofman, professor of medical physics at the University of California and a leading nuclear critic, speaks of \plant like that in Kalkar, the Netherland, would produce about 200 pounds of plutonium each year. One pound, released into the atmosphere, could cause 9 billion cases of lung cancer. This waste product must be stored for

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500,000 years before it is of no further danger to man. In the anticipated reactor economy, it is estimated that there will be 10,000 tons of this material in western Europe, of which one tablespoonful of plutonium-239

represents the official maximum permissible body burden for 200,000 people. Rather than being biodegradable, plutonium destroys biological properties.

In 1972 the U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration ruled that the asbestos level in the work place should be lowered to 2 fibers per cubic centimeter of air, but the effective date of the ruling has been delayed until now. The International Federation of Chemical and General Worker's Unions report that the 2-fiber

standard was based primarily on one study of 290 men at British asbestos factory. But when the workers at the British factory had been reexamined by another physician, 40-70 percent had x-ray evidence of lung

abnormalities. According to present medical information at the factory in question, out of a total of 29 deaths thus far, seven were caused by lung cancer and three by mesothelioma, a cancer of the lining of the chest-abdomen. An average European or American worker comes into contact with six million fibers a day. And when this man returns home at night, samples of this fireproof product are on his clothes, in his hair, in his lunchpail. \of the Mount Sinai Medical School in New York.

It is now also clear that vinyl chloride, a gas from which the most widely used plastics are made, causes a fatal cancer of the blood-vessel cells of the liver. However, the history of the research on vinyl chloride is, in some ways, more disturbing than the \among polyvinyl chloride workers for 25 years that has been incompletely appreciated and inadequately

approached by medical scientists and by regulatory authorities,\At least 17 workers have been killed by vinyl chloride because research over the past 25 years was not followed up. And for 10 years, workers have been exposed to concentrations of vinyl chloride 10 times the \imposed by Dow Chemical Company. In the United Kingdom, a threshold limit value was set after the discovery of the causal link with osteolysis, but the limit was still higher than that set by Dow Chemical. The Germans set a new maximum level in 1970, but also higher than that set by Dow. No other section of U.S. or European industry has followed Dow's lead.

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第三部分文学、艺术

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Literature

In the collected body of writing we call literature, there may be distinguished two separate groupings, capable of blending, but also fitted for reciprocal repulsion. There is first the literature of knowledge, and secondly the literature of power. The function of the first is to teach; the function of the second is to move. The first is a rudder, the second an oar or sail. The first speaks to the mere discursive understanding; the second speaks ultimately to the higher understanding or reason, but always through the affections of pleasure and sympathy. Whenever we talk in ordinary language of seeking information or gaining knowledge, we understand the words as connected with absolute novelty. But it is the grandeur of all truth which can occupy a very high place in human interests, although it may not be absolutely novel even to the meanest of minds.

What do we learn from _Paradise Lost_? Nothing at all. What do we learn from a cookbook? Something new, something we did not know before, in every paragraph. But would we therefore put the wretched cookbook on a higher level of estimation than the divine poem? What we owe to Milton is not any knowledge, of which a million separate items are still but a million advancing steps on the same earthly level; what we owe is power, that is, exercise and expansion of your own latent capacity of sympathy with the infinite, where every pulse and each separate influx is a step upwards a step ascending as upon Jacob's ladder from earth to mysterious

altitudes above the earth. All the steps of knowledge, from first to last, carry us farther on the same plane, but could never raise us one foot above your ancient level on earth; whereas, the very first step of power is flight an ascending into another element where earth is forgotten.

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Literature and Business

Literature is at once the most intimate and the most articulate of the arts. It cannot impart its effect through the senses or the nerves as the other arts can; it is beautiful only through the intelligence; it is the mind speaking to

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the mind; until it has been put into absolute terms, of an invariable significance, it does not exist at all. It cannot awaken this emotion in one, and that in another; if it fails to express precisely the meaning of the author, if it does not say _him_, it says nothing, and is nothing. So that when a poet has put his heart, much or little, into a poem, and sold it to a magazine, the scandal is greater than when a painter has sold a picture to a patron, or a sculptor has modeled a statue to order. These are artists less articulate and less intimate than the poet; they are more exterior to their work; they are less personally in it; they part with less of themselves in the dicker. It does not change the nature of the case to say that Tennyson and Longfellow and Emerson sold the poems in which they couched the most mystical messages their genius was charged to bear mankind. They submitted to the conditions which none can escape; but that does not justify the conditions, which are none the less the

conditions of hucksters because they are imposed upon poets. If it will serve to make my meaning a little clearer, we will suppose that a poet has been crossed in love, or has suffered some real sorrow, like the loss of a wife or child. He pours out his broken heart in verse that shall bring tears of sacred sympathy from his readers, and an editor pays him a hundred dollars for the right of bringing his verse to their notice. It is perfectly true that the poem was not written for these dollars, but it is perfectly true that it was sold for them. The poet must use his emotions to pay his provision bills; he has no other means; society does not propose to pay his bills for him. Yet, and at the end of the ends, the unsophisticated witness finds the transaction ridiculous, finds it repulsive, finds it shabby. Somehow he knows that if our huckstering civilization did not at every moment violate the eternal fitness of things, the poet's song would have been given to the world, and the poet would have been cared for by the whole human brotherhood, as any man should be who does the duty that every man owes it.

The instinctive sense of the dishonor which money-purchase does to art is so strong that sometimes a man of letters who can pay his way otherwise refuses pay for his work, as Lord Byron did, for a while, from a noble pride, and as Count Tolstoy has tried to do, from a noble conscience. But Byron's publisher profited by a

generosity which did not reach his readers; and the Countess Tolstoy collects the copyright which her husband foregoes; so that these two eminent instances of protest against business in literature may be said not to have shaken its money basis. I know of no others; but there may be many that I am culpably ignorant of. Still, I doubt if there are enough to affect the fact that Literature is Business as well as Art, and almost as soon. At present business is the only human solidarity; we are all bound together with that chain, whatever interests and tastes and principles separate us.

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Classic Literature

The large majority of our fellow citizens care as much about literature as they care about archaeology or the program of the legislature. They do not entirely ignore it; they are not quite indifferent to it. But their interest in it is faint and perfunctory; or, if their interest happens to be intense, it is spasmodic. Ask the two hundred

thousand persons whose enthusiasm made the vogue of a popular novel ten years ago what they think of that novel now, and you will gather that they have utterly forgotten it.

In the face of this, one may ask: Why does the great and universal fame of classic authors continue? The answer is that the fame of classic authors is entirely independent of the majority. Do you suppose that if the fame of Shakespeare depended on the man in the street it would survive for a fortnight? The fame of classic authors is originally made, and it is maintained, by a passionate few.

Even on those rare occassions when a first-calss author has enjoyed immense success during his lifetime, the majority have never appreciated him so sincerely as they have appreciated second-rate writers. The first-class author has always been reinforced by the ardor of the passionate few. And in the case of an author who

emerged into glory after his death, this has been due solely to the obstinate perseverance of the few. They kept on savoring him, and talking about him, and buying him, and they generally behaved with such eager zeal, and they were so authoritative and sure of themselves, that at last the majority grew accustomed to the sound of his name and placidly agreed to proposition that he was a genius. The majority really did not care very much either way.

What causes the passionate few to make such a fuss about literature? There can be only one reply. They find a keen and lasting pleasure in it. They enjoy literature as some people enjoy beer. And what are the qualities of a book which give keen and lasting pleasure to the passionate few? This is a question so difficult that it has never yet been completely answered. You may talk lightly about truth, insight, knowledge, wisdom, humor, and beauty, but these comfortable words do not really carry you very far, for each of them has to be defined,

especially the first and last. It is all very well for Keats in his airy manner to assert that beauty is truth, truth is beauty, and that is all he knows or needs to know. I, for one, need to know a lot more. And I shall never know.

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Nobody, not even a great critic like Hazily or Sainte-Beuve, has ever finally explained why he thought a book beautiful.

A classic is work which gives pleasure to the minority which is intensely permanently interested in literature. It lives on because the minority, eager to renew the sensation of pleasure, is eternally curious and is therefore engaged in an eternal process of rediscovery. A classic does not survive for any ethical reason. It does not survive because it conforms to certain canons or rules. It survives because it is a source of pleasure. ===============================================================

Importance of Literature

In reaction to a rigid, overrefined classical curriculum, some educational philosophers have swung sharply to an espousal of \theories for support and spouting such phrases as \rigorous study and insist that only through doing can learning take place. While not all adherents to this

philosophy would totally eliminate the study of great books, the gradual subordination of literature in the school curriculum reflects their influence.

What is the purpose of literature? Why read if life alone is to be our teacher? James Joyce tells us that the artist reveals the human condition by re-creating life out of life; Atistotle, that art presents universal truths because its form is taken from nature. Thus, consciously or otherwise, great writers extend our understanding of ourselves and our world. We can soar with them to the heights of aspiration or plummet with them to the depths of

despair. How much wider is the understanding we gain from reading than from viewing life through the keyhole of our individual experience.

This function of literature, the enlarging of our life sphere, is of major importance in itself. Additionally, however, literature suggests solutions to social problems. The overweening ambitions of political leaders and their

sneering contempt for the law did not appear for the first time in the writings of Bernstein and Woodward. The problems and behavior of the guilt-ridden did not await the appearance of the bearded psychoanalysts of the nineteenth century.

Federal Judge Learned Hand wrote, \on a question of constitutional law, to have at least a bowing acquaintance with Thucydides, Gibbon, and Carlyle, with Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, and Milton, with Montaigne and Rabelais, with Plato, Bacon, Hume, and Kant, as with the books which have been specifically written on the subject. For in such matters everything turns upon the spirit in which he approaches the questions before him.\

How do we overcome our dissenters? We must start with the field of agreement: the belief that education should serve to improve the individual and society. We must persuade our dissenters that the voices of human experience stretch our human faculties and open us to learning. We must convince them of the unity of life and art. We much prove to them that far from being separate, literature is that part of life that illumines life. ===============================================================

Literature in the Twenties

Literary periods are slippery concepts. When dates are established and cultural developments are outlined, predecessors and successors have a way of making them dissolve. One discovers that the Romantic Period in English literature so comfortably introduced as extending from 1800 to 1830 has long Pre-Romantic

development and that it really isn't over yet. The same thing is true of American literary history, perhaps more so. But if there is one date that seems to make a decisive cut in the continuity of twentieth-century America, it is probably the stock market crash at the end of October 1929. By 1930 reassessmetn was forced on the American consciousness.

The Twenties have a character of their own, an individualized and particularized decade for which there has come to be felt considerable nostalgia among the older generation. Clear memories can hardly regard these years as the good old days (this was the era of prohibition and gangsters), but one of the blessings of the human condition is the tendency to forget unpleasantness and remember what one chooses to remember. Perhaps even the Sixties will become a happy recollection in the twenty-first century.

Three major designations arose in the Twenties to define the Twenties as a cultural phenomenon: the Jazz Age, the Lost Generation, and the Wasteland all with significant literary associations. Of them all the Jazz Age, as represented best in F.Scott Fitzgerald's fiction, was most clearly cut off by the stock market collapse and the

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ensuing depression. It is the period of the Twenties alone. But the Lost Generation (as proclaimed in the double epigraph from Ecclesiastes and Gertrude Stein in the 1926 _The Sun Also Rises_ \Gertrude Stein in conversation) continued to be lost in the Thirties. The uprootedness and disillusionment of the post-World War I fiction writers, many of whom had participated in that war and perhaps particualrly of the Paris expatriate group including Hemingway, Elliot Paul, Henry Miller, and others, pursued them into the

depression and beyond. The third term, the Wasteland, established by T.S. Eliot in his 1922 poem, had perhaps an even longer life; it has come to represent an age extending from the Twenties to 1945 and may indeed suggest the central features of the landscape of this larger period. The Wasteland poets, including Ezra Pound, Eliot himself, and possibly William Carlos Williams, Archibald MacLeish, and e.e. Cummings, although many of them had written distinctive poetry even before 1920 and certainly before 1930, continued to develop and

sharpen both their verse and their ideas into the Thirties and Forties. The Wasteland runs into and disappers in the Age of Anxiety. Such American writers as Gertrude Stein, Ezra Pound, T.S. Eliot, Williams, Cummings, and Hemingway are included in the post-1930 Canon rather than in the pre-1930 one. They had all certainly made a mark in the literary world before 1930, but they were ahead of their time and made a larger and deeper mark after that date.

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Naturalism

Naturalism differs from realism in several aspects, none of which is clear-cut and definitive. It tends to be more doctrinaire in its exposition of pseudoscientific principles, it is less interested in character and more in the

conflict of social forces, and it is concerned to a greater extent with the sordid, the shocking, and the depressing sides of existence. By these criteria, however, there are naturalistic elements in Dostoevsky; and Galsworthy, Hemingway, and Scott Fitzgerald demonstrate many qualities of typical realists. Some further suggested qualities of literary naturalism are as follows:

(a) Naturalism is scientific or pseudoscientific in its approach; it attempts to treat human beings as biological pawns rather than agents of free will. The author does not attempt to judge his characters or to comment on their actions; he merely inserts them into a crucial situation and then pretends to stand back and watch them with the impassivity of the scientists. Although Zola applied this principle with some success, it has generally remained a synthetic theory and has only infrequently been applied to actual literary works.

(b) The naturalist attempts to make literature into a document of society. He writes \cover every aspect of modern life, or creates characters who are personifications of various social classes. Many naturalists gather copious data from actual life and include it in their literary works: they write novels around specific occupations such as railroading or textile manufacturing in which they utilize technical details of the trade for story-interest. This aspect of naturalism represents an attempt to remove literature from the realm of the fine arts into the field of the social sciences.

(c) Because of the above-described documentary nature of naturalism, the technique often involves the

conscious suppression of the poetic elements in literature. The prose style is flat, objective, and bare of imagery; it includes copious details and explanations, and is wary of highly literary metaphors. Like the pseudoscientific dogma described in (a) above, this quality is often more theoretical than practical. The best naturalists are those who do not totally abandon the literary traditions of the past. On the other hand some naturalists are merely writers lacking in the poetic instinct; they avoid a highly literary prose because they have little feeling fore style and imagery. Others like Hardy are essentially poets who achieve highly poetic effects in their prose.

(d) Natualistic literature tends to be concerned with the less elegant aspects of life; its typical settings are the slum, the sweatshop, the factory, or the farm. Where the romantic author selects the most pleasant and

idealistic elements in his experience, the naturalistic author often seems positively drawn toward the brutal, the sordid, the cruel, and the degraded. This tendency is in part a reaction against earlier literature, especially against the sentimentalism of the Dumas school where vice is invariably made to appear romantic. The real movivating forces in a naturalistic novel are not religion, hope, or human idealism; they are alcohol, filth, disease, and the human instinct toward bestiality. It will be seen immediately that there are important exceptions to this principle. Galsworthy's scenes are middle-class, and Scott Fitzgerald prefers to do his slumming at the Ritz.

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Satire

Satire attained a dominating position between 1660 and 1730 that it had not had before. As an oblique expression of the writer's wish to reform society, or as the somewhat baser tool of his scorn and ridicule,

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Restoration satire had diverse outlets. Political parties, religious sects, and fashionable philosophies were as much the delights of satirists as were topical gossip and assorted fops, pedants, and bigots.

Pope's mock heroic epic, _The Rape of the Lock_, probes the excesses of romantic etiquette: Lady Belinda's

tresses are cropped by a suitor while she lingers over her coffee. According to Samuel Johnson, such an incident was a questionable topic for poetic treatment: \

incidents of common life...\traditional epic machinery and a delicate exposure of the romantic conventions of the day.

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Musical Novels

Literary critics are fond of referring to a work as a \can be conveniently described in muscial terminology, but the notion that all such works are of the same genre is an oversimplification. In _The Waves_, Virginia Woolf uses musical techniques to evoke imagery. In

_Moderato Cantabile_, Marguerite Duras follows the form of the first movement of a sonata. When most literary critics pronounce both _The Waves_ and _Moderato Cantabile_ \they have in mind; and so they overlook what makes _Moderato Cantabile_ a truly musical novel: It is actually \like musical phrases defined by rests; all that we know and all that we need to know of Anne and Chauvin is what we hear them say. Ironically, this technique that makes _Moderato Cantabile_ more successful than _The Waves_ as a \success of her \primarily because words often replaced action entirely.

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Black Writers

There can be no doubt that the emergence of the Negro writer in the post-war period stemmed, in part, from the fact that he was inclined to exploit the opportunity to wrtie about himself. It was more than that, however. The movement that has variously been called the \Negro Movement\pressing social and economic problems. This growing interest coincided with two developments in Negro life that fostered the growth of the New Negro Movement. These two factors, the keener realization of injustice and the improvement of the capacity for expression, produced a crop of Negro writers who constituted the \Renaissance\

The literature of the Harlem Renaissance was, for the most part, the work of a race-conscious group. Through poetry, prose, and song, the writers cried out against social and economic wrongs. They protested against segregation and lynching. They demanded higher wages, shorter hours, and better conditions of work. They stood for full social equality and first-class citizenship. The new vision of social and economic freedom which they had did not force them to embrace the several foreign ideologies that sought to sink their roots in some American groups during the period.

The writers of the Harlem Renaissance, bitter and cynical as some of them were, gave little attention to the

propaganda of the socialists and communists. The editor of the _Messenger_ ventured the opinion that the New Negro was the \movements that are now seizing the reins of power in all the civilized countries of the world.\have produced the New Negro, but the more articulate of the group did not resort to advocating the type of political action that would have subverted American constitutional government. Indeed, the writers of the Harlem Renaissance were not so much revolting against the system as they were protesting its inefficient operation. In this approach they proved as characteristically American as any writers of the period. Like his contemporaries, the Negro writer was merely becoming more aware of America's pressing problems; and like the others, he was willing to use his art, not only to contribute to the great body of American culture but to improve the culture of which he was a part.

It seems possible, moreover, for the historian to assign to the Negro writer a role that he did not assume. There were doubtless many who were not immediately concerned with the injustices heaped on the Negro. Some contrived their poems, novels, and songs merely for the sake of art, while others took up their pens to escape the sordid aspects of their existence. If there is an element of race in their writings, it is because the writings flow out of their individual and group experiences. This is not to say that such writings were not effective as

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protest literature, but rather that not all the authors were conscious crusaders for a better world. As a matter of fact, it was this detachment, this objectivity, that made it possible for many of the writers of the Harlem Renaissance to achieve a nobility of expression and a poignancy of feeling in their writings that placed them among the masters of recent American literature.

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Women Writers

As the works of dozens of women writers have been rescued from what E.P. Thompson calls \condescension of posterity\has risen like Atlantis from the sea of English literature. It is now becoming clear that, contrary to Mill's theory, women have had a literature of their own all along, The woman novelist, according to Vineta Colby, was \neither single nor anomalous\part of a tradition that had its origins before her age, and has carried on through our own.

Many literary historians have begun to reinterpret and revise the study of women writers. Ellen Moers sees women's literature as an international movement, %undercurrent, repid and powerful. This 'movement' began in the late eighteenth century, was multinational, and produced some of the greatest literary works of two centuries, as well as most of the lucrative pot-boilers.\

Patricia Meyer Spacks, in _The Female Imagination_, finds that \have characteristically concerned themselves with matters more or less peripheral to male concerns, or at least slightly skewed from them. The differences between traditional female preocupations and roles and male ones make a difference in female writing\writers collectively we can see an imaginative continuum, the recurrence of certain patterns themes, problems and images from generation to generation.

This book is an effort to describe the female literary tradition in the English novel from the generation of the Brontes to the present day, and to show how the development of this tradition is similar to the development of any literary subculture. Women have generally been regarded as \lifestyle, and culture of their male relatives. It can, however, be argued that women themselves have

constituted a subculture within the framework of a larger society, and have been unified by values, conventions, experiences, and behaviors impinging on each individual. It is important to see the female literary tradition in these broad terms, in relation to the wider evolution of women's self-awareness and to the ways any minority group finds its direction of self-expression relative to a dominant society, because we cannot show a pattern of deliberate progress and accumulation. It is true, as Ellen Moers wtites, that \

closeness the works written by their own sex\strongly marked. But it is also full of holes and hiatuses, because of what Germaine Greer calls the

\group of women have enjoyed dazzling literary prestige during their own lifetimes; only to vanish without trace from the records of posterity. Thus each generation of women writers has found itself, in a sense, without a history, forced to rediscover the past anew, forging again and again the consciousness of their sex. Given this perpetual disruption, and also the self-hatred that has alienated women writers from a sense of collective identity, it does not seem possible to speak of a movement.

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Americans' Self-confidence

Nearly every foreign traveler who visited the United States during the first decade of the nineteenth century carried away an impression sober if not sad. A thousand miles of desolate and dreary forest, broken here and there by settlements; along the seacoast a few flourishing towns devoted to commerce; no arts, a provincial literature, the evil of slavery, and political differences fortified within geographical lines what could be hoped for such a country?

Ages must probably pass before the interior of the country could be thoroughly setteld. Even President Thomas Jefferson, usually and optimist, talked resignedly of a thousand years, and in his first Inaugural Address, at a time when the Mississippi River formed the western boundary of the nation, spoke of the country as having \act on the assumption that, when the continent was settled, one government could include the whole; and when the vast expanse broke up, as seemed inevitable, into a collection of separate nations, only discord, antagonism, and wars could be expected.

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The mass of Americans are sanguine and self-confident partly by temperament, but partly also by reason of ignorance; for they knew little of the difficulties which beset a complex society. The Duc de Liancourt, like many critics, was struck by this trait. Among other examples, he met with one in the person of Pennsylvania miller, Thomas Lea, \except in America; that the wit, the imagination, the genius of Europe are in decline\error is to be found in almost all Americans legislators and administrators, as well as millers and is less innocent there.\

In the year 1796 the House of Representatives had considered inserting in their Reply to the President's Speech a remark that the nation was \neither literature, arts, sciences, nor history. The moment was particularly ill chosen for such a claim, because Europe was on the verge of an outbreak of genius. Goethe and Schiller, Mozart and Haydn, Kant and Fichte, Cavendish adn Herschel were making way for Scott, Wordsworth, and Shelley, Heine and Balzac, Beethoven and Hegel great physicists, biologists, chemists, mathematicians, historians, writers, and musicians by the score.

The idea that Europe was in her decrepitude merely proved the ignorance and want of enlightenment of most Americans. The error could be excused only by the plea that, in matters which most concerned Americans,

Europe was a full century behind them. If they were right in thinking that the next necessity in human progress was to lift the average person upon an intellectual and social level with the most favored, they stood at least three generations nearer than Europe to that goal. But the assumption that equality was the necessary objective of civilization was itself a dubious one.

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First World War Writers

The generation of British writers who participated in the First World War are often considered as a group, united as they were by university education and upper class backgrounds, as well as their shared sense of the horror and absurdity of the world's first thoroughly mechanized war. The \destruction (in the quietest intervals, 7,000 British soldiers were killed or wounded daily) with the sheer inanity of seemingly interminable trench stalemate. The writer/officer was in an ideal position to witness the farcical polarities of such a war: the idealism of the newly enlisted soldier and the cynicism of the veteran; the peaceful French countryside and the nightmare to bombardment; the earnest battle strategies and the stagnation of perpetual conflict. Paul Fusel, in The Great War and Modern Memory, asserts that to these writers \tragic satire which was the war [was] seen to consist of its own smaller constituent satires, or ironic actions\

Irony was the formal strategy chosen by each author as he confronted the war on paper. Fusel notes that this device, unprecedented in the literature of war, allowed the %understatement-either of which would have diminished the tragic absurdity of the situation. Ironic detachment provided the psychological distance necessary to commit to paper what was almost beyond description.

Frequently, the ironic mode was used to intensify the horror rather than to offset it. One reads of saturation bombing, bayonetting, and gassing within a world incongruously filled with poppies, gardens, sheep, and shepherds. By casting modern carnage in the pastoral imagery familiar from a long English poetic tradition, these authors deepened the sense of brutal paradox. Thus, as Fussell notes, Wilfred Owen's metaphor of \shrill, demented choirs of wailing shells\a fleeting instant to the pastoral world where the 'choirs' consist of genign insects and birds\suggested this pastoral tradition only through allusion. Edmund Blunden, in _Understones of War_, describes the havoc wreaked on an actual pastoral setting: the greensward, suited by nature for the raising of sheep, was all holes, and new ones appeared with a great uproar as we passed.

The imprint of the Great War on literary sensibility proved indelible; in different wasys, the writers of the Second World War, and even of Korea and Vietnam, drew on the ironic tradition forged in the trenches of France. ===============================================================

Historical Fiction and Fictional History

Much as they may deplore the fact, historians have no monopoly on the past and no franchise as its privileged interpreters to the public. It may have been different once, but there can no longer be any doubt about the relegation of the historian to a back seat. Far surpassing works of history, as measured by the size of their public and the influence they exert, are the novel, works for the stage, the screen, and television. It is mainly from these sources that millions who never open a history book derive such conceptions, interpretations,

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convictions, or fantasies as they have about the past. Whatever gives shape to popular conceptions of the past is of concern to historians, and this surely includes fiction.

Broadly speaking, two types of fiction deal with the past historical fiction and fictional history. The more

common of the two is historical fiction, which places fictional characters and events in a more or less authentic historical background. Examples range from _War and Peace_ to _Gone With the Wind_. Since all but a few novelists must place their fictional characters in some period, nearly all fiction can be thought of as in some degree historical. But the term is applied as a rule only to novels in which historical events figure prominently. Fictional history, on the other hand, portrays and focuses attention upon real historical figures and events, but with the license of the novelist to imagine and invent. It has yet to produce anything approaching Tolstoy's masterpiece. Some fictional history makes use of invented characters and events, and historical fiction at times mixes up fictional and nonfictional characters. As a result the two genres overlap sometimes, but not often enough to make the distinction unimportant.

Of the two, it is fictional history that is the greater source of mischief, for it is here that fabrication and fact, fiction and nonfiction, are most likely to be mixed and confused. Of course, historians themselves sometimes mix fact with fancy, but it is a rare one who does it consciously or deliberately, and he knows very well that if discovered he stands convicted of betraying his calling. The writer of fictional history, on the other hand, does this as a matter of course and with no compunction whatever. The production and consumption of fictional history appear to be growing of late. Part of the explanation of this is probably the fragmentation of history by professionals, their retreat into specializations, their abandonment of the narrative style, and with it the

traditional patronage of lay readers. Fictional history has expanded to fill the gap thus created but has at the same time gone further to create a much larger readership than history books ever had.

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Virginia Woolf's Success and Failure

Virginia Woolf's development as a novelist was deeply influenced by her struggle to reconcile feminism and art. Long before the aesthetic creed of Bloomsbury came into being she had learned from her father that a work of literature is no better than the morality which it is intended to express a lesson she never forgot. Virginia Woolf was a passionate moralist, though she directed all her fervor into one narrow channel. The impulse to write _Three Guineas_ possessed her for years, \into action. This moral fervor was not contained within the limits of her tracts, nor could it have been. Feminism is implicit in her novels. The novels are not, of course, didactic in the narrow sense of pleading for specific reforms, but they illustrate the dangers of one-sidedness and celebrate the androgynous mind.

Virginia Woolf's main emphasis in her feminist writings, as in the novels, was on self-reform, and on art as a means to that end. Novels and tracts alike grew out of a preoccupation with her own spiritual dilemma. Fiction was the medium within which Virginia Woolf controlled and directed this intense self-absorption. When she deserted art for propaganda, as in _Three Guineas_, her self-abosorption got the upper hand. Thus,

paradoxically, she was truer to her feminist ideas as a novelist than as a pamphleteer. Her social conscience and her aesthetic vision were mutually dependent. She could express her feminism only by means of her art; but her art owed its character to her feminism.

The contrast between Virginia Woolf's failure in _Three Guineas_ and her triumph in _The Years_ comfirms this impression. In the first, confining herself to political and social controversy, she lost her grasp of reality and ended up talking to herself. In the second, striving, as she said, \as well as the vision,\Woolf's direct attack on social evil is too shrill and self-indulgent to succeed, even as propaganda. On the other hand, her symbolic representation of the Wasteland pollution, faithlessness, remorse has a lucid objectivity that forces the reader to see through her eyes. The tract, with all its talk of reform, is onesided. The novel is whole.

In Virginia Woolf's case, the myth of the artist as more or less helpless agent of his own creative drive seems to have a foundation in fact. She needed the discipline of art, because it permitted her to express her intense moral indignation, while at the same time controlling the disintegrating effects of that indignation upon her personality. Art produced feelings of release and harmony, such as she associated with the androgynous mind. When she avoided that discipline, as in _Three Guineas_, her writing tended to become morbid. In relation to the radiance of Virginia Woolf's artistic successes, therefore, _Three Guineas_ represents a kind of negative definition. Through it we can glance into the heart of her darkness.

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Meredith

With Meredith's _The Egoist_ we enter into a critical problem that we have not yet before faced in these studies. That is the problem offered by a writer of recognizably impressive stature, whose work is informed by a

muscular intelligence, whose language has splendor, whose \we are at best able to feel only a passive appreciation which amounts, practically, to indifference. We should be unjust to Meredith and to criticism if we should, giving in to the inertia of indifference, simply avoid dealing with him and thus avoid the problem along with him. He does not \\such lie in that ambivalence of attitude which allows us to recognize the intelligence and even the splendor of Meredith's work, while, at the same time, we experience a lack of sympathy, a failure of any enthusiasm of response?

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Mendelssohn's Music

In some circles, Mendelssohn's reputation diminished rapidly after his death in 1847. By 1852, he was already regarded by many as \the expansiveness of Wagner's _Tristan and Isolde_, soon found Mendelssohn's music too restrained and academic.

Post-Wagnerian anti-Romanticism did little to salvage the composer's standing. Proponents of Schoenberg and his twelve-tone serialism regarded Mendelssohn as a quaint, conservative composer who crafted superficial, \

Such \of the _Overture to A Midsummer Night's Dream_ shows the imprint of an original mind, anticipating the

orchestral achievement of Rimsky-Korsakov. At the time of its composition, the _Octet_ displayed unexampled lightness and rhythmic effect; the impressionistic _Hebrides Overture_ inspired the painting of Turner. And Mendelssohn's greatest pictorial works, the _Scottish_ and _Italian_ symphonies, constantly reveal new vistas. One of the first, great nineteenth-century Nature composers, Mendelssohn's music simply endures; critics would do well to ask why.

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Mary Shelley

Mary Shelley herself was the first to point to her fortuitous immersion in the literary and scientific revolutions of her day as the source of her novel _Frankenstein_. Her extreme youth, as well as her sex, have contributed to the generally held opinion that she was not so much an author in her own right as a transparent medium

through which passed the ideas of those around her. \passive reflection of some of the wild fantasies which were living in the air about her.\

Passive reflections, however, do not produce original works of literature, and _Frankenstein_, if not a great novel, was unquestionably an original one. The major Romantic and minior Gothic tradition to which it should have belonged was to the literature of the overreacher: the superman who breaks through normal human

limitations to defy the rules of society and infringe upon the realm of God. In the Faust story, hypertrophy of the individual will is symbolized by a pact with the devil. Byron's and Balzac's heroes; the Wandering Jew; the

chained and unchained Prometheus: all are overreachers, all are punished by their own excesses by a surfeit of sensation, of experience, of knowledge and, most typically, by the doom of eternal life.

But Mary Shelley's overreacher is different. _Frankenstein_'s exploration of the forbidden boundaries of human science does not cause the prolongation and extension of his own life, but the creation of a new one. He defies mortality not by living forever, but by giving birth.

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Virginia Woolf

In _A Room of One's Own_, Virginia Woolf performs a typically stream-of-consciousness feat by beginning with a description of the view from her window: a leaf falls from a tree, and a woman in leather boots and a man in a maroon overcoat climb into a taxi and glide away. Woolf uses this moment to discuss the unity of the mind, and the effortlessness with which she had invested this ordinary sight with a kind of rhythmic order. She ends with a consideration of Coleridge's remark that a great mind is androgynous. \of the mind?\

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One of Woolf's theses is that unity, and not repression, is the necessary state for creativity. Woolf describes men's sentences as having a particular shape, natural to men, but unnatural and clumsy to women. She rightly praises Austen for developing her own rhythm and her own sentence, which is expressive of her genius, her characters, and her history. Woolf suggests that the women's suffrage movement fomented a reaction of

threatened male self-assertion that meant a decline in literary power. \writes to think of their sex ... it is fatal for a woman to lay the least stress on any grievance; to plead justice with any cause; in any way to speak consciously as a women.\

_A Room of One's Own_ exhorts women to reach for a higher, almost religious approach to writing. \dream influencing other people;\

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Virginia Woolf and Politics

The two essays in which Virginia Woolf explores women's role in art and politics have traditionally been seen as a problematical adjunct to her novels. While _A Room With a View_, with its acerbic wit, has been given grudging respect, the outspokenly programmatic _Three Guineas_ has been dismissed as a pacifist-feminist tract. No doubt these essays lack the subtlety and superb control of the novels, but to a recent generation of critics they remain significant because of their anticipation of many of the concerns of contemporary feminism.

_A Room of One's Own_ (1929) is written in the form of a lecture \Woolf begins by contrasting the paltry luncheon given at the college with the luxurious fare offered at a nearby men's university. The difference symbolizes more profound disparities which Woolf now comes to her main point bear directly on the fortunes of women artists. For the woman author, financial independence, opportunities for education, tranquility, and privacy are necessary preconditions, without which women are unlikely to produce works of genius. Great art can never be expected from \modern feminists, Tillie Olsen makes a similar point in _Silences_, though without Woolf's undertone of class condescension.) When a woman obtains a room of her own, in all its senses, she may, according to Woolf,

develop what Coleridge termed \\

In _Three Guineas_ (1938) Woolf's central argument, again foreshadowing a key contention of later feminism, is that the process of changing gender restrictions in the public world and in the private individual are

interdependent. Such issues as childrearing (which she felt should be a shared responsibility) and professional equality between the sexes are not separate considerations, but rather different aspects of the same problem. Woolf also attempts to define women's responsibilities in the larger political world. Discussing the probability of another world war, she argues that women with jobs in manufacturing should refuse to produce arms for use in a male-instigated debacle. Both at the time and since, many readers have found this argument naive. One

working class reader, Agnes Smith, wrote Woolf that the book was decidedly class-bound; working women could hardly afford to jeopardize their employment for a pacifist ideal. Current feminist critics accept the validity of Smith's point indeed they acknowledge that it exposes a limitation of Woolf's feminism generally but they also note that the mild derision which greeted _Three Guineas_ from the male establishment was typical of the reception often given a woman thinker's ideas.

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Goethe

Unlike the carefully weighted and planned compositions of Dante, Goethe's writings have always the sense of immediacy and enthusiasm. He was a constant experimenter with life, with ideas, and with forms of writing. For the same reason, his works seldom have the qualities of finish or formal beauty which distinguish the

masterpieces of Dante and Virgil. He came to love the beauties of classicism but these were never an essential part of his make-up. Instead, the urgency of the moment, the spirit of the thing, guided his pen. As a result, nearly all his works have serious flaws of structure, of inconsistencies, of excesses and redundancies and externalities.

In the large sense, Goethe represents the fullest development of the romanticist. It has been argued that he should not be so designated because he so clearly matured and outgrew the kind of romanticism exhibited by Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats. Shelley and Keats died young; Wordsworth lived narrowly and abandoned his early attitudes. In contrast, Goehte lived abundantly and developed his faith in the spirit, his understanding of nature and human nature, and his reliance on feelings as man's essential motivating force. The result was an all-encompassing vision of reality and a philosophy of life broader and deeper than the partial visions and attitudes of other romanticists. Yet the spirit of youthfulness, the impatience with close reasoning or \36

chopping\and impulsiveness and a disregard of artistic or logical propriety which savor strongly of romantic individualism. Since so many twentieth-centry thoughts and attitudes are similarly based on the stimulus of the Romantic Movement, Goethe stands as particularly the poet of modern times as Dante stood for medieval times and as Shakespeare for the Renaissance.

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Jane Austen

Not a few of Jane Austen's personal acquaintances might have echoed Sir Samuel Egerton Brydges, who noticed that \she was an authoress.\famous writer was always quick to insist either on complete anonymity or on the propriety of her limited craft, her delight in delineating just \inability to join \Ivory\lady\contemporaries, Mary Brunton, who would rather have \

\abhorred, as literary women are, by the more pretending of the other! my dear, I would sooner exhibit as a ropedancer.\

Yet, decorous though they minght first seem, Austen's self-effacing anonymity and her modest description of her miniaturist art also imply a criticism, even a rejection, of the world at large. For, as Gaston Bachelard

explains, the miniature \diminutive landscapes seem to see everything as small because they are themselves so grand, Austen's analogy for her art her \outside the fictional space. Besides seeing her art metaphorically, as her critics would too, in relation to female arts severely devalued until quite recently (for painting on ivory was traditionally a \Austen attempted through self-imposed novelistic limitations to define a secure place, even as she seemed to admit the impossibility of actually inhabiting such a small space with any degree of comfort. And always, for Austen, it is women because they are too vulnerable in the world at large who must acquiesce in their own confinement, no matter how stifling it may be.

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Dreiser's Work

Most arguments about Dreiser's work center around the question of what is the overriding value in a work of art: content or form. His supporters, who included Frank Norris, H.L.Mencken, and even Nobelist Sinclair Lewis, maintained that his courageous truth-telling realism \to honesty, boldness, and passion of life\subject more appropriately than genteel aestheticism would have done.

Dreiser's antagonists, chiefly critics who embraced the New Humanism, condemned his crude style and his choice of prosaic characters and mundane situations. They attacked his work as vulgar because he used commonplace subjects, and immoral because he questioned accepted values. Some of their animus can be attributed to sharp political differences between them and the writers of so-called proletarian literature, like Farrell, Steinbeck, and Dos Passos. These impassioned critics deplored what they deemed the crude anti-intellectualism of the naturalists. Others, like Kazin and Cowley, wrote about Dreiser's work as if it had

emanated without thought, care, or design, mirroring reality and only, as if by accident, unconsciously reaching artistic heights.

The doctrinal dispute continues. The tradition, inherited by Dreiser from Defoe, appears in added strength and new forms in recent works of Truman Capote and Norman Mailer. Prisoners, picketers, slum children and their like become the protagonists of best-selling works, while gossamer tales of modern Brahmins are spun by Jamesian adherents.

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The Cardinal and Bosola

The curtain rises; the Cardinal and Daniel de Bosola enter from the rignt. In appearance, the Cardinal is

something between an EI Greco cardinal and a Van Dyke noble lord. He has the tall, spare form the elongated hands and features of the former; the trim pointed beard, the imperial repose, the commanding authority of the

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latter. But the EI Greco features are not really those of asceticism or inner mystic spirituality. They are the index to a cold, refined but ruthless cruelty in a highly civilized controlled form. Neither is the imperial repose an aloof mood of proud detachment. It is a refined expression of satanic pride of place and talent.

To a degree, the Cardinal's coldness is artificially cultivated. He has defined himself against his younger brother Duke Ferdinand and is the opposite to the overwrought emotionality of the latter. But the Cardinal's aloof mood is not one of bland detachment. It is the deliberate detachment of a methodical man who collects his thoughts and emotons into the most compact and formidable shape that when he strikes, he may strike with the more efficient and devastating force. His easy movements are those of the slowly circling eagle just before the swift descent with exposed talons. Above all else, he is a man who never for a moment doubts his destined authority as a governor. He derisively and sharply rebukes his brother the Duke as easily and readily as he mocks his mistress Julia. If he has betrayed his hireling Bosola, he uses his brother as the tool to win back his \His court dress is a long brilliant scarlet cardinal's gown with white cuffs and a white collar turned back over the red, both collar and cuffs being elaborately scalloped and embroidered. He wears a small cape, reaching only to the elbows. His cassock is buttoned to the ground, giving a heightened effect to his already tall presence.

Richelieu would have adored his neatly trimmed beard. A richly jeweled and ornamented cross lies on his breast, suspended from his neck by a gold chain.

Bosola, for his part, is the Renaissance \wears a chain about his neck, a suspended ornament, and a sword. Although a \of as a leather-jacketed, heavy-booted tough, squat and swarthy. Still less is he a sneering, leering, melodramatic villain of the Victorian gaslight tradition. Like his black-and-white clothes, he is a colorful

contradiction, a scholar-assassin, a humanist-hangman; introverted and introspective, yet ruthless in action; moody and reluctant, yet violent. He is a man of scholarly taste and subtle intellectual discrimination doing the work of a hired ruffian. In general effect, his impersonator must achieve suppleness and subtlety of nature, a highly complex, compressed, yet well restrained intensity of temperament. Like Duke Ferdinand, he is inwardly tormented, but not by undiluted passion. His dominant emotion is an intellectualized one: that of disgust at a world filled with knavery and folly, but in which he must play a part and that a lowly, despicable one. He is the kind of rarity that Browing loved to depict in his Renaissance monologues.

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Samuel Johnson

Many readers assume that, as a neoclassical literary critic, Samuel Johnson would normally prefer the abstract, the formal, and the regulated to the concrete, the natural, and the spontaneous in a work of literature. Yet any close reading of Johnson's criticism shows that Johnson is not blind to the importance of the immediate, vivid, specific detail in literature; rather, he would underscore the need for the telling rather than the merely accidental detail.

In other ways, too, Johnson's critical method has much in common with that of the Romantics, with whom

Johnson and, indeed, the entire neoclassical tradition are generally supposed to be in conflict. Johnson was well aware, for example, of the sterility of literary criticism that is legalistic or pedantic, as was the case with the worst products of the neoclassical school. His famous argument against the slavish following of the \

unities\of Shakespeare's latest plays. Note, in particular, the basis of that defense: \the rules of criticism,\nature.\

The sentiment thus expressed could easily be endorsed by any of the Romantics, the empiricism it exemplifies is a vital quality of Johnson's criticism, as is the willingness to jettison \possible a more direct appeal to the emotions of the reader. Addison's _Cato_, highly praised in Johnson's day for its \and fictitious manners, and delivers just and noble sentiments, in diction easy, elevated, and harmonious, but its hopes and fears communicate no vibration to the heart.\

Even on the question of poetic diction, which, according to the usual interpretation of Wordsworth's 1800 preface to the _Lyrical Ballads_, was the central area of conflict between Romantic and Augustan, Johnson's views are surprisingly \true; but his reasons are all-important. For Johnson, poetic diction should serve the ends of direct emotional impact and ease of comprehension, not those of false profundity or grandiosity. \wrote,\

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occasions, we do not easily receive strong impressions, or delightful images; and words to which we are nearly strangers, whenever they occur, draw that attention on themselves which they should transmit to things.\poetic diction of the neoclassical poets, at its worst, erects needless barriers between reader and meaning, that envisioned by Johnson would do just the opposite: it would put the reader in closer contact with the \that are the poem's subject.

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Shaw's View of Art

Shaw's defense of a theater of ideas brought him up against both his great bugbears commercialized art on the one hand and Art for Art's Sake on the other. His teaching is that beauty is a by-product of other activity; that the artist writes out of moral passion (in forms varying from political conviction to religious zeal), not out of love of art; that the pursuit of art for its own sake is a form of self-indulgence as bad as any other sort of sensuality. In the end, the errors of \senses. True art, on the other hand, is not merely a matter of pleasure. It may be unpleasant. A favorite

Shavian metaphor for the function of the arts is that of tooth-pulling. Even if the patient is under laughing gas, the tooth is still pulled.

The history of aesthetics affords more examples of a didactic than of a hedonic view. But Shaw's didacticism takes an unusual turn in its application to the history of the arts. If, as Shaw holds, ideas are a most important part of a work of art, and if, as he also holds, ideas go out of date, it follows that even the best works of art go out of date in some important respects and that the generally held view that great works are in all respects eternal is not shared by Shaw. In the preface to Three plays for Puritans, he maintains that renewal in the arts means renewal in philosophy, that the first great artist who comes along after a renewal gives to the new

philosophy full and final form, that subsequent artists, though even more gifted, can do nothing but refine upon the master without matching him. Shaw, whose essential modesty is as disarming as his pose of vanity is disconcerting, assigns to himself the role, not of the master, but of the pioneer, the role of a Marlowe rather than of a Shakespeare. \\for their epoch.\

\ever write a better tragedy than Lear or a better opera than Don Giovanni or a better music drama than Der Ring des Nibelungen; but just as essential to a play as this aesthetic merit is moral relevance which, if we take a naturalistic and historical view of morals, it loses, or partly loses, in time. Shaw, who has the courage of his historicism, consistently withstands the view that moral problems do not change, and argues therefore that for us modern literature and music form a Bible surpassing in significance the Hebrew Bible. That is Shaw's anticipatory challenge to the neo-orthodoxy of today.

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Josquin in Obscurity

Until Josquin des Prez, 1440-1521, Western music was liturgical, designed as an accompaniment to worship. Like the intricately carved gargoyles perched atop medieval cathedrals beyond sight of any human, music was composed to please God before anybody else; its dominant theme was reverence. Emotion was there, but it was the grief of Mary standing at the foot of the Cross, the joy of the faithful hailing Christ's resurrection. Even the secular music of the Middle Ages was tied to predetermined patterns that sometimes seemed to stand in the way of individual expression.

While keeping one foot firmly planted in the divine world, Josquin stepped with the other into the human. He scored magnificent masses, but also newly expressive motets such as the lament of David over his son Absalom or the \motet written all in black notes, and one of the most profoundly moving scores of the Renaissance. Josquin was the first composer to set psalms to music. But alongside _Benedicite omnia opera Domini Domino_ (\Lord, all ye works of the Lord\Allegez moy (\respect for tradition with a rebel's willingness to risk the horizon. When Galileo was to science, Josquin was to music. While preserving their allegiance to God, both asserted a new importance for man.

Why then should Josquin languish in relative obscurity? The answer has to do with the separation of concept from persormance in music. In fine art, concept and performance are one; both the art lover and the art historian have thousands of years of paintings, drawings and sculptures to study and enjoy. Similarly with

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literature: Poetry, fiction, drama, and criticism survive on the printed page or in manuscript for judgment and admiration by succeeding generations. But musical notation on a page is not art, no matter how lofty or excellent the composer's conception; it is, crudely put, a set of directions for productin art. Being highly

symbolic, musical notation requires training before it can even be read, let alone performed. Moreover, because the musical conventions of other days are not ours, translation of a Renaissance score into modern notation brings difficulties of its own. For example, the REnaissance notation of Josquin's day did not designate the

tempo at which the music should be played or sung. It did not indicate all flats or sharps; these were sounded in accordance with musicianly rules, which were capable of transforming major to minor, minor to major, diatonic to chromatic sound, and thus affect melody, harmony, and musical expression. A Renaissance composition

might include several parts but it did not indicate which were to be sung, which to be played, nor even whether instruments were to be used at all.

Thus, Renaissance notation permits of several interpretations and an imaginative musician may give an interpretation that is a revelation. But no matter how imaginative, few modern musicians can offer any

interpretation of Renaissance music. The public for it is small, limiting the number of musicians who cna afford to learn, rehearse, and perform it. Most of those who attempt it at all are students organized in collegia musica whose memberships have a distressing habit of changing every semester, thus preventing directors from maintaining the year-in year-out continuity required to achieve excellence of performance. Finally, the

instruments used in Renaissance times drummhorns, recorders, rauschpfeifen, shawms, sackbuts, organettes must be specially procured.

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John A. Rein

Of several known altar paintings by John A.Rein, only one has been researched. It is _The Last Supper_, painted in 1895 for a small country church near Roseau in northern Minnesota. The circular arrangement of the figures and the rugged epressiveness of their faces brings to mind the same subject as depicted in the folk baroque altars of central Norway. A comparison with a more readily available model, however, tends to weaken the theory of Norwegian inspiration. In the same edition of the Norwegina-American Bible used by the artist Lars Christenson, there is an illustration of _da Vinci's Last Supper_, in which the figures have been rearranged to fit the page by cutting off those on both ends and placing them together below the center section. The result bears several striking similarities to Rein's arragnement of figures. For example, the five figures in front of the table face right and look toward one figure at the end, who faces left. The Bible also includeds portraits of hte

apostles drawn from da Vinci's fresco. Most of them reappear in easily recognizable form as the heads in Rein's work.

Rein's _The Last Supper_ appears to be very much his own creation, freely put together from elements in the limited art work available to him. When these sources were not sufficient for his needs, he turned to what he saw around him. The chair in the foreground is of hte peasant empire type which was popular in the early Norwegian settlements. The pitcher and bowl, motifs possibly introduced as a result of confusion between the themes of the Washing of the Feet and the Last Supper, appear to have come directly from a nineteenth-century washstand.

While the specific sources for Rein's altar painting appear to have been American, the strong expressive color and undulating line are typical of Norwegian art. The strong impact of the work results, in part, from the organic character of the shadow from which the figures rise and from the converging lines of the floor adn ceiling which center on the figure of Christ, drawing the viewer into this holy company.

The case of John Rein poses the problem of how the concept of ethnicity relates to that of folk art. He learned the woodworker's trade in Nowway, and he may also have acquired there an affinity for certain kinds of line and color; as a painter, however, he was largely self-taught. His work is distinguished as much by those

characteristics which we have come to call primitive as by those which might be considered part of Norwegian tradition. He is, therefore, close to that have experimented their way to a medium through which their creative needs are fulfilled. In this art with its \there can be no ehtnicity. The word ethnicity, itself, implies an acquired set of patterns and beliefs which

characterize a group. In order to bring ethnicity into a discussion of folk art, one is forced to recognize tradition as a major element in it. There are purely self-taught artists among the Norwegian-Americans, some of whom are of considerable interest, but there is nothing intrinsically Norwegian-American in their work. Rein falls close to these.

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Davie's Poetry

The poet and critic W.H. Auden once wrote, \large grain of salt. For the most part, they are manifestations of his debate with himself as to what he should do next and what he should avoid\general, he emphasizes the usefulness of those theories as a key to the poet's own work. In this paper, I have used the criticism of Donald Davie as a gloss on Davie's own poetry, taking the criticism not necessarily as an objective description of the real workings of the poetry but, as Auden mignt suggest, as an indication of Davie's goals as poet.

Over teh twenty-odd years of Davie's career, these goals have undergone no fundamental change. The style of poetry Davie described as his ideal in his critical essay _Purity of Diction in English Verse_, published in 1953, is the style Davie's own poetry still aspires to in his most recent work. The changes in Davie's poetry over the years have been directed toward not an abandonment but a fuller realization of the goal he envisaged in the early fifties, which he summarized as, in Eliot's phrase, \

Calvin Bedient, regards Davie's critical theories as wrongheaded, sees Davie's best poetry as a tacit repudiation of those theories; Davie's finest lyrics, according to Bedient, were written in spite of, not because of, his critical ideas. For Bedient, the growth of Davie's poetic skill reflects his gradual \poetic ideals. But a more careful reading of Davie suggests that, on the contrary, Davie's best poems are not ones in which he deviates from his stated poetic ideals but rather those in which he comes closest to embodying them; and this he has done with increasing frequency in his recent work.

The canons of Davie's cricitism are basically four:

(1) Poetry should be \The poet, according to Davie, is concerned with \only must he coin new ways of seeing the world (new metaphors and images), but he must also preserve and refurbish the old ways. Good poetry does this through the use of rhythm and sound and through vivid, specific nouns and verbs that help to revivify the meaning buried in dead metaphors and images.

(2) Poetry should adhere closely to the twin models of, on the one hand, \on the other, the usages of the great poets of the past. The poet must be chary of drastic innovation without a strong reason.

(3) Poetry should use, as far as possible, the syntax of ordinary language.

(4) Poetry should handle its meanings as clearly and explicitly as possible, drawing distinctions that are at once subtle and lucid. Poetry should be intelligent as well as passionate.

Davie makes it clear that poetry that follows these conons may not be the only real poetry, or evern the best poetry; as he points out, this kind of \ones, and Davie lists Gower, Greville, Denham, Goldsmith, Johnson, and Cowper as examples. But it is this company of solid, intelligible, honest poets that Davie aspires to join, and it is by their standards that we must accordingly judge Davie's work.

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Dickens and David Copperfield

When completing _David Copperfield_, Dickens experienced a powerful aftereffect that fleft him confused about \inside out, his inner life now visible, in partly disguised forms, in the shadowy world of ordinary daylight. The story he had written was so deeply personal that \believed it in the writing\about himself, particularly his development from an abandoned child into a great popular artist surrounded by love and success, he felt the excitement both of exposure and catharsis. Exorcising the sounds of childhood and young adulthood, he also dramatized the unresolved problems of his personality and his marriage, anticipating the turmoil that was to come. Though energized by the process of writing, he was also exhausted by \Copperfieldian blots\Copperfield ... from head to foot\

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wandering somewhere for a day or two\boy\

In _David Copperfield_ he re-created in mythic terms his relationship with his mother, his father, his siblings, particularly Fanny, and with his wife and his wift's sisters. The novel was more precious to him than his own children because the favorite child was himself. Soon after beginning, he confessed that he had stuck to that fictional name through the exploration of alternative titles because he had, even at the earliest stage, recognized that he was writing a book about himself.

His passion for names also expressed his need to pattern and control. After the birth of Katie in 1839, he assumed the right to name all his children (Catherine had \christening of Alfred D'Orsay Tennyson Dickens provides the representative example of the novelist imposing his literary constructs on other people's lives as well as his own. When it came to his family, he did not admit of any distinction. When it came to his novels, the distinction between self and other was subordinated to the

dramatization of the many varieties of the single self. Changing Charles Dickens into David Copperfield had the force both of unconscious reversal and of minimal autobiographical distancing. At the heart of the novel was a partly mediated version of himself that represented his effort to claim that he had come through, that all was well with him as he approached the age of forty.

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Alain Robbe-Grillet

Alain Robbe-Grillet is not as cerebral a writer as Nathalie Sarraute or Michel Butor. But he has been more

popular, particularly in America. Perhaps that is one reason. There are other. He relies even more heavily than his fellow novelists on the roman policier for basic structure, and detective stories have a built -in pupular

fascination. Most of his characters, so far as we can determine, seem to be psycho-pathological. He is therefore a kind of Alfred Hitchcock of the novel. He has also devoted himself to film writing and film making in

association with the Nouvele Vague. His cinema-novels as he called them, rather than film scripts, _Lannee Derniere a marienbad_ (1961) and _L'Immortelle_ (1963), have certainly brought him a wider public exposure than would have been possible with the novels alone. Furthermore his novels have had wide paperback

distribution in English translation. But he is an authenti New Novelist and therefore disturbing but not easy. He is reported to have said that he wants his reader to feel disappointed (in their expectation of clarification,

presumably), that if they feel disappointed he knows he has succeeded in what he was trying to do. At least one critic has placed Robbe-Grillet at \

He first turned to the cinema in collaboration with the film director Alain Resnais. In 1961 _L'Annee Derniere a Marienbad_ hit the movie world with an originality that for a time usurped the attention customarily given to the Italian film of Fillini or the Swedish films of Bergman. _Last Year at Marienbad_ played long tuns in the art film houses in New York and across the United States. Bruce Morrissette in a critique of the film pointed out to less perceptive critics that it represented a continuation of techniques established in the earlier novels: \and objectified hypothesis as in \_Jealousy_ with its detemporalization of mental states, its mixture of memories (true and false), of desire images adn affective projections the dissolves' found in _The Labyrinth_: all these reach a high point in _Marienbad_ ... The spectator's work, like that of the reader, becomes an integral part of the cinematic or novelistic creation\takes place at an ornate Bavarian palace; the action is circular beginning with \moves through Freudian corridors, empty rooms and a formal garden (with a return at the end); characters emerge as a young woman, A, and older man, M (presumably her jealous husband), and a persistent lover, X. Fantasies of seduction, resistance, desire, fear, rape, and even murder are projected; but whose they are, A's or M's or X's, is never clear. You take your choice.

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Consistency in African Art

When you first saw a piece of African art, it impressed you as a unit; you did not see it as a collection of shapes or forms. This, of course, means that the shapes and volumes within the sculpture itself were coordinated so successfully that the viewer was affected emotionally.

It is entirely valid to ask how, from a purely artistic point of view, this unity was achieved. And we must also inquire whether there is a recurrent pattern or rules or a plastic language and vocabulary which is responsible

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for the powerful communication of emotion which the best African sculpture achieves. If there is such a pattern or rules, are these rules applied consciously or instinctively ot obtain so many works of such high artistic quality? It is obvious from the study or art history that an intense and unified emotional experience, such as the

Christian credo of the Byzantine or 12th or 13th century Europe, when expressed in art forms, gave great unity, coherence, and power to art. But such an integrated feeling was only the inspirational element for the artist, only the starting point of the creative act. The expression of this emotion and its realization in the work could be done only with discipline and thorough knowledgeof the craft. And the African sculptor was a highly trained workman. He started his apprenticeship with a master whtn a child, and he learned the tribal styles and the use of tools and the nature of woods so thoroughly that his carving became what Boas calls \carved automativally and instinctively.

The African carver followed his rules without thinking of them; indeed, they never seem to have been

formulated in words. But such rules existed, for accident and coincidence cannot explain the common plastic language of African sculpture. There is too great a consistency from on work to another. Yet, although the African, with amazing insight into art, used these rules, I am certain that he was not conscious of them. This is the great mystery of such a traditional art: talent, or the ability certain people have, without conscious effort, to follow the rules which later the analyst can discover only from the work of art which has already been created. ===============================================================

Art of Middle Ages

In the art of the Middle Ages, we never encounter the personality of the artist as an individula; arther it is

diffused through the artistic genius of centuries embodied in th4e rules of religious art. Art of the Middle Ages is first a sacred script, the symbols and meanings of which were well settled. The circular halo placed vertically behind the head signifies sainthood, while the halo impressed with a cross signifies divinity. By bare feet, we recognize God, the angels, Jesus Christ and the apostles, but for an artist to have depicted the Virgin Mary with bare feet would have been tantamount to heresy. Several concentric, wavy lines represent the sky, whild

parallel lines water or the sea. A tree, which is to say a single stalk with two or three stylized leaves, informs us that the scene is laid on earth. A tower with a window indicates a village, and, should an angel be wathching from the battlements, that city is thereby identified as Jerusalem. Saint Peter is always depicted with curly hair, a short beard, and a tonsure, shile Saint Paul has always a bald head and a long beard.

A second characteristic of this iconography is obedience to a sacred mathematics. \Saint Augustine, \revived the genius of Pythagoras. Twelve is the master number of the Church and is the product of three, the number of the Trinity, and four, the number of material elements. The number sever, the most mysterious of all numbers, is the sum of four and three. There are the seven ages of man, seven virtues, seven planets. In the final analysis, hte seven-tone scale of Gregorian music is the sensible embodiment of the order of the universe. Numbers require also a symmetry. At Charters, a stained glass window show the four prophets, Isaac, Ezekiel, Daniel, and Jeremiah, carrying on their shoulders the four evangelists, Matthew, Mark, Luke and John.

A third characteristic of this art is to be a symbolic language, showing us one thing and inviting us to see

another. In this respect, the artist was called upon to imitate God, who had hidden a profound meaning behind the literal and wished nature itself to be a moral lesson to man. Thus, every painting is an allegory. In a scene of hte final judgment, we see the foolish virgins at the left hand of Jesus and the wise at his right, and we understand that this symbolizes those who are lost and those who are saved. Even seemingly insignificant details carry hidden meaning: The lion in a stained glass window is the figure of the Resurrection.

These, then, are the defining characteristics of the art of the Middle Ages, a system within which even the most mediocre talent was elevated by the genius of the centuries. The artists of the early Renaissance broke with tradition at their own peril. When they are not outstanding, they are scarcely able to avoid insignificance and banality in their religious works, and, even when they are great, they are no more than the equals of the old masters who passively followed the sacred rules.

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African Art

Afican art could have been ovserved and collected by Europeans no earlier than the second half of the fifteenth century. Before that time Europe knew of Africa only through the writing of classical authors such as Pliny and Herodotus and the reports of a few Arabic travelers. Unfortunately, until the latter years of the nineteenth century Europe was little interested in the arts of Africa except as curiosities adn souvenirs of exotic peoples.

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Indeed, wiht the growth of the slave trade, colonial exploitation, and Christian missionizing the arts were presented as evidence of the low state of heathen savagery of the African, justifying both exploitation and

missionary zeal. Even with the early growth of the discipline of anthropology the assumption was that Africa was a continent of savages, low on the scale of evolutionary development, and that these savages, because they were \

In recent years the development of critical studies of oral traditions, of accounts by Islamic travelers of the great Sudanese kingdoms, of the descriptions of the coast by early European travelers, and above all of the concept of cultural relativism, has led to a far more realistic assessment of the African, his culture, history, and arts.

Cultural relativism is, in essence, the attitude whereby cultures other than one's own are viesed in their terms and on their merits. As an alternative to the prejudgmetn of missionaries and colonials it allows us ot view the cultures and arts of the African without the necessity of judging his beliefs and actions against a Judeo-Christian moralistic base, or his art against a Greco-Renaissance yardstick.

Curiously, the \scientific assessment but rather resulted from an excess of romantic rebellion at the end of the last century against the Classical and Naturalist toots of Western art. Unfortunately this uncritical adulation swept aside

many rational concerns to focus upon African sculpture as if it were the product of a romantic, rebellious, fin de siecle, European movement. Obviously, African art is neither anti-classical nor anti-naturalistic: to be either it would have had to have had its roots in Classicism or in Naturalism, both European in origin. Nor was the concept of rebellion a part of the heritage of art in sub-Saharan Africa; rather, as we shall see, it was an art conservative in impulse adn stable in concept.

We may admire these sculptures from a purely twentieth century esthetic, but if we so limit our admiration we will most certainly fail to understand them in the context of their appearance as documents of African thought and action.

In sharp contrast to the arts of the recent past in the Western world, by far the greatest part, in fact nearly all of the art of history of the world, including traditional Africa, was positive in its orientation; that is, it conformed in style and meaning to the expectations the norms of its patrons and audience. Those norms were shared by nearly all members of the society; thus, the arts were conservative and conformist. However, it must be

stressed that they were not merely passive reflections, for they contributed actively to the sense of well-being of the parent culture. Indeed, the perishable nature of wood the dominant medium for sculpture-ensured that each generation reaffirmed its faith by re-creating its arts.

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Parthenon

How buildings are depicted indicates how they are perceived. To the serious travelers of hte eighteenth century, like James Start and Nicholas Revert who took it upon themselves to record the legendary remains of Greece for the first time since antiquity, there are two modes of perceptions: the topical and the archaeological. To

introduce each monument, they resorted to the picturesque tableau. They show the Parthenon at the time of their visit in 1751, when Athens was a sleepy provincial town within the Ottoman Empire and the Akropolis served as the headquarters for the turkish governor. The temple stands in a random cluster of modest houses; in it we can see a Turk on horseback and, through the colonnade, the vaulted forms of the small Byzantine church that rose within the body of the temple during the Middle Ages. This is what the Parthenon looks like today, the authors are saying; and this depiction carries at once the quaint appeal of an exotic land and that sense of the vanity of things which comes over us at the sight of the sad dilapidation of one-time splendors.

But when they turn from romance to archaeology, the task of showing the Parthenon not as it is now but as it was then, Stuart and Revert restrict themselves to the measured drawing. They re-create, in immaculate engravings of sharp clear lines, the original design of the temple in suitably reduced scale and with a careful tally of dimensions. We are confronted again with the traditional abstractions of the architect's trade. Indeed, those architects who, in subsequent decades, wished to imitate the Parthenon as a venerable form of rich

associational value could do so readily from these precise plates of Stuart and Revert, without once having seen Athens for themselves. In nineteenth century Philadelphia, for example, the disembodied facade of the

Parthenon is reconstructed as the Second Bank of the United States in an urban milieu that is completely alien to the setting of the prototype.

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Against the engravings of Stuart and Revert, we might pit two pencil sketches of the Acropolis made by Le Corbusier during his apprenticeship travels in the early years of this century. The close-up view is neither

picturesque nor archaeological. It does not show us the ubiquitous tourists scrambling over the site, for example, nor any other transient feature of local relevance. Nor is the sketch a reproducible paradigm of the essential design of the Parthenon. Instead, we see the temple the way Le Corbusier experienced it, climbing toward it up the steep west slope of this natural citadel, and catching sight of it at a dynamic angle through the inner

colonnade of the Propylaea, the ceremonial gate of the Akropolis. The long view show the building in relation to the larger shapes of nature that complement its form: the pedestal of the Akropolis spur that lifts it up like a piece of sculpture and the Attic mountain chain on the horizon which echoes its mass. And when Le Corbusier draws on this experience later in his own work, it is the memory of the building as foil to nature that guides his vision.

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Movies and Politics

Moviemakers have always been interested in politicians, and vice-versa. As early in 1912, Raoul Walsh followed Pancho Villa around, filming his ambushes and executions. In Russian, Sergei Eisenstein made several films at Stalin's request, including _Alexander Nevski_ in 1928 and _Ivan the Terrible_ in 1945, both of which made the new regime appear to be the heir of a glorious revolutionary tradition. Hitler himself charged Leni Riefenstahl to film the Nazi rallies at Nuremberg in 1934. The result was the _Triumph of will_, which took two years to make and included oceans of swastika flags, miles of military parades, stylized eagles, rolling drums, and an omnipresent Hitler whose profile stood out against the sky.

But the movies soon helped create a political style less stridently heroic and melodramatic than that inspired by the theater and opera. At the beginning, of course, early cinema techniques encouraged the leader to

pantomime heavily with excessive gestures adn expressions. The result was similar to expressionist theater. But it soon became clear the cinema offered possibilities unknown on the stage: for example, the close-up, which abolished the distance between the actor and the audience and made exaggerated gestures unnecessary. With the actor's image enlarged on the screen, even a trembling of the lips or batting the eyelids would be magnified. When the talkies appeared, the theatrical delivery of lines was no longer the rule. A conversational tone even a whisper was easily heard by the audience, making actors adopt a more natural style.

Political leaders have adapted their style to this evolution of the dramatic arts. The hero leader necessarily has a style more suited to the theater or silent movies and is less able to use the new tone required by cinema and television, which is more sober, allusive, and elliptical. In this sense, de Gaulle was of the theater generation while Giscard d'Estaing belongs to the cinema and television generation that understands the need for a more nuanced \

Another result of the cinema has been to make actors more influential as models to imitate, since they are so much more visible. From 1920 to 1932, stars were inaccessible, marmoreal, and inimitable. They were idols, surrounded by an aura of myth. In short, they were the cinema equibalent of the hero leader. During the 1930s and 1940s, the star became more human. He or she, though still shining brightly, was less exceptional, a bit more like the rest of us. The star became a model that could be imitated like the charm leader.

And finally in the 1950s and after, stars became virtually the reflection of the spectator if not, indeed, his double. It became more difficult to imitate a star, since he or she was already like everyone else. This corresponded to the political Mr. Everyman.

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第四部分宗教、哲学、历史、教育

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Hypotheses

In science as elsewhere, we meet the assumptions of convenience and expedience, such as equations that assme frictionless machines or chemicals in a pure state. But by far the most important function of language in the development of scientific understanding and control of the world about us is the use of a kind of assumption called hypothesis at first, theory in a more developed state, and law when its implications have been extensively corroborated. A hypothesis resembles other assumptions in that it may be either true or false and may be used

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as the premise of rational action; otherwise it differs radically as to function and purpose. Hypotheses are employed experimentally in the search for truth. Without them the so-called scientific method is not possible. The reason for this is not always readily grasped and will now be illustrated in some detail.

Suppose, for example, that you are about to prepare an account of some fairly complex subject, such as the history of marriage. As soon as you have arrived at a clear working definition of your topic, you begin the

collection of data. Now a datum is an item of some sort regarded as relevant to your problem. But everything is in some way related to everything else, and since you cannot possible consider all the facts related to marriage, you must limit the field of relevance in some practical, arbitrary manner. Let us assume that you are at work on the status of marriage in modern urban society; perhaps you may attempt to discover to what extent the institution persists because it is biologically useful, economically expedient, socially convenient, religiously

compulsory, or merely psychologically traditional. To proceed thus is to set up a fivefold hypothesis that enables you to gather from the innumerable items cast up by the sea of experience upon the shores of your observation only the limited number of relevant data relevant, that is, to one or more of the five factors of your hypothesis. The hypothesis (the reference of the symbol hypothesis) is like a light by means of which we search for truth; but it is a colored light that may render invisible the very object we seek. That is why, after a fair trial, we must not hesitate to abandon one color for another. When our hypothesis possesses the proper color and intensity, it will reveal some of the facts as data, which may then be further studied and verified as signs of truth.

As the evidence in favor of a hypothesis (the thing again, not the word) accumulates to a convincing degree, we frequently symbolize the fact with term theory. Thus, semantically, a theory is the name of a hypothesis that has outgrown its experimental short pants. With Charles Darwin, biological evolution was a hypothesis; in contemporary science it is a theory that no rational observer, however cautious, hesitates to accept.

When predictions based on hte implications of a theory are continually borne out by observation, the relation symbolized is still further elevated to the status of a law or natural law. The abstraction \one to employ because it implies that the mind has finally arrived at the truth, ultimate and eternal. Thus, the eyes of science become myopic and lose the power to discover old errors and discern new truths.

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Bacon's of Studies

An essay which appeals chiefly ot the intellect is Francis Bacon's _Of Studies_. His careful tripartite division of studies expressed succinctly in aphoristic prose demands the complete attention of the mind of the reader. He considers studies as they should be : for pleasure, for self-improvement, for business. He considers the evils of excess study: laziness, affectation, and preciosity. Bacon divides books into three categories: those to be read in part, those to be read cursorily, and those to be read with care. Studies should include reading, which gives depth; speaking, which adds readiness of thought; and writing, which trains in preciseness. Somewhat

mistakenly, the author ascribes certain virtues to individual fields of study: wisdom to history, wit to poetry, subtlety to mathematics, and depth to natural philosophy. Bacon's four-hundred-word essay, studded with Latin phrases and highly compressed in thought, has intellectual appeal indeed.

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Importance of Knowledge

For me, scientific knowledge is divided into mathematical sciences, natural sciences or sciences dealing with the natural world (physical and biological sciences), and sciences dealing with mankind (psychology, sociology, all the sciences of cultural achievements, every kind of historical knowledge). Apart from these sciences is

philosophy, about which we will talk shortly. In the first place, all this is pure or theoretical knowledge, sought only for the purpose of understanding, in order to fulfill the need to understand that is intrinsic and

consubstantial to man. What distinguishes man from animal is that he hnows and needs to know. If man did not know that the world existed, and that the world was of a certain kind, that he was in the world and that he himself was of a certain kind, he wouldn't be man. The technical aspects of applications of knowledge are

equally necessary for man and are of the greatest importance, because they also contribute to defining him as man and permit him to pursue a life increasingly more truly human.

But even while enjoying the results of technical progress, he must defend the primacy and autonomy of pure knowledge. Knowledge sought directly for its practical applications will have immediate and foreseeable success, but not the kind of important result whose revolutionary scope is in large part unforeseen, except by the

imagination of the Utopians. Let me recall a well-known example. If the Greek mathematicians had not applied themselves to the investigation of conic sections, zealously and without the least suspicion that it might

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someday be useful, it would not have been possible centuries later to navigate far from shore. The first men to study the nature of electricity could not imagine that their experiments, carried on because of mere intellectual curiosity, would eventually lead to modern electrical technology, without which we can scarcely conceive of contemporary life. Pure knowledge is valuable for its own sake, because the human spirit cannot resign itself to ignorance. But, in addition, it is the foundation for practical results that would not have been reached if this knowledge had not been sought disinterestedly.

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Germania of Tacitus

For the classical scholar, the Germania of Tacitus is a minor work, forming with the Agricola a kind of prelude to the great works of Tacitus, the Annals and Histories. However, for the student of the Germanic people, Tacitus' ethnographic treatise is a major source of information, mainly reliable, about the German tribes of the first century A.D.

Studies of Tactics have often attempted to clarify the author's purpose in writing the Germania by defining it as an example of a particular literary genre. A few have seen the book primarily as a satire of Roman corruption, which uses the warlike but upright Germans as a stick with which to beat the degeneracy and vice Tacitus observed in his contemporary Rome; others classify the book as an extended political pamphlet whose central purpose is to urge the emperor Trajan to some decisive Roman action, possibly invasion, to destroy the growing threat posed by the German tribes.

Both these themes are present in the Germania, but they are not central to its purpose; if they were, Tacitus would certainly have made them more prominent and explicit. The book's real purpose is the obvious one to explain as fully as possible to a Roman audience what was known of the customs and character of a significant neighboring people. In this task, Tacitus was following the examples of several earlier ethnographers, including Livy, whose histories included an ethnographic study of the German people, and Seneca, who wrote lost works about the people of India and Egypt that may well have resembled the Germania. Such works formed the type to which the Germania belongs, and though most of the examples are lost, it seems to have been a recognized genre of the period.

However, as with most ethnographic studies to this day, the Germania reveals as much about the

preoccupations of the society to which its author belonged as about the people who are the work's ostensible subject. Thus, the fear of a German threat to the security of Rome is reflected in the largely military orientation of the study. The picture Tacitus paints is of a thoroughly warlike people, a nation of men who will \business, public or private, without being armed\man's toga with us\to rank merely as a member of a household and becomes a citizen\not by clapping, but by clashing their spears. If Tacitus' aim was to arouse the concern of his audience over a German military threat, his choice of details surely advanced his purpose.

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Thinking

No one can be a great thinker who does not realize that as a thinker it is her first duty to follow her intellect to whatever conclusions it may lead. Truth gains more even by the errors of one who, with due study and preparation, thinks for herself, than by the true opinions of those who only hold them because they do not suffer themselves to think. Not that it is solely, or chiefly, ot form great thinkers that freedom of thinking is required. On the contrary, it is as much or even more indispensable to enable average human beings to attain the mental stature which they are capable of. There have been, and may again be, great individual thinkers in a general atmosphere of mental slavery. But there never has been, nor ever will be, in that atmosphere an

intellectually active people. Where any people has made a temporary approach to such a character, it has been because the dread of heterodox speculation was for a time suspended. Where there is a tacit convention that principles are not to be disputed; where the discussion of the greatest questions which can occupy humanity is considered to be closed, we cannot hope to find that generally high scale of mental activity which has made some periods of history so remarkable. Never when controversy avoided the subjects which are large and important enough to kindle enthusiasm was the mind of a people stirred up from its foundations and the

impulse given which raised even persons of the most ordinary intellect to something of the dignity of thinking beings.

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She who knows only her own side of the case knows little of that. Her reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute them. But if she is equally unable to refute the reasons of the opposite side; if she does not so much as know what they are, she has no ground for preferring either opinion. The rational position for her would be suspension of judgment, and unless she contents herself with that, she is either led by

authority, or adopts, like the generality of the world, the side to which she feels the most inclination. Nor is it enough that she should hear the arguments of adversaries from her own teachers, presented as they state them, and accompanied by what they offer as refutations. That is not the way to do justice to the arguments, or bring them into real contact with her own mind. She must be able to hear them from persons who actually believe them; who defend them in earnest, and do their very utmost for them. She must know them in their most

plausible and persuasive form: she must feel the whole force of the difficulty which the true view of the subject has to encounter and dispose of; else she will never really possess herself of the portion of truth which meets adn removes that difficulty. Ninety-nine in a hundred of what are called educated persons are in this condition; even of those who can argue fluently for their opinions. Their conclusion may be true, but it might be false for anything they know: they have never thrown themselves into the mental position of those who think differently from them and considered what such persons may have to say; and consequently they do not, in any proper sense of the word, know the doctrines which they themselves profess. They do not know those parts of the doctrine which explain and justify the remainder; the considerations which show that a fact which seemingly conflicts with another is reconcilable with it, or that, of two apparently strong reasons, one and not the other ought to be preferred.

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The Poltheist

A polytheist always has favorites among the gods, determined by his own temperament, age, and condition, as well as his own interest, temporary or permanent. If it is true that everybody loves a lover, then Venus will be a popular deity with all. But from lovers she will eicit special devotion. In ancient Rome, when a young couple went out together to see a procession or other show, they would of course pay great respect to Venus, when her image appeared on the screen. Instead of saying, \Venus.\favored, so that to tell a girl you were trying to woo that you thought Venus overrated was hardly the way to win her heart. But in any case, a lovesick youth or maiden would be spontaneously supplicating Venus.

The Greeks liked to present their deities in human form; it was natural to them to symbolize the gods as human beings glorifiecd, idealized. But this fact is also capable of misleading us. We might suppose that the ancients were really worshipping only themselves; that they were, like Narcissus, beholding their own image in a pool, so that their worship was _anthropocentric_ (man-centered) rather than _theocentric_ (god-centered). We are in danger of assuming that they were simply construction the god in their own image. This is not necessarily so. The gods must always be symbolized in one form or another. To give them a human form is one way of doing this, technically called _anthropomorphism_ (from the Gree _anthropos_, a man, and _mophe_, form). People of certain temperaments and within certain types of culture seem to be more inclined to it than are others. It is, however, more noticeable in others than in oneself, and those who affect to despise it are sometimes

conspicuous for their addiction to it. A German once said an Englishman's idea of God is an Englishmen twelve feet tall. Such disparagement of anthropomorphism occurred in the ancient world, too. The Celts, for instance, despised Greek practice in this matter, preferring to us animals and other such symbols. The Egyptians favored more abstract and stylized symbols, among which a well-known example is the solar disk, a symbol of _Ra_, the sun-god.

Professor C.S.Lewis tells of an Oxford undergraduate he knew tho, priggishly despising the conventional images of God, thought he was overcoming anghropomorphism by thinking of the Deity as infinite vapor or smoke. Of course even the bearded-old-man image can be a better symbol of Deity than ever could be the image, even if this were psychologically possible, of unlimited smong.

What is really characteristic of all polytheism, however, is not the worship of idols or humanity or forests or stars; it is, rather, the worship of innumerable powers that confront and affect us. The powers are held to be valuable in themselves; that is why they are to be worshipped. But the values conflict. The gods do not cooperaate, so you have to play them off against each other. Suppose you want rain. You know of two gods, the dry-god who sends drought and the wet-god who sends rain. You do not suppose that you can just pray to the wet-god to get busy, and simply ignore the dry-god. If you do so, the latter may be offended, so that no matter how hard the wet-god tries to oblige you, the dry-god will do his best to wither everything. Because both gods are

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powerful you must take into consideration, begging the wet-god to be gererous and beseeching the dry-god to stay his hand.

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Bible and Theatre

Morally and culturally, American society, as reflected in our TV programs, our theatrical fare, our literature and art appears to have hit bottom.

Gen. David Sarnoff felt prompted to issue a statement in defense of the TV industry. He pointed out that there was much good in its programs that was being overlooked while its occasional derelictions were being overly stressed. It struck me that what he was saying about TV applied to other aspects of American culture as well, particularly to the theatrical productions.

Without necessarily resting on his conviction that the good outweighed the bad in American cultural activity, I saw further implications in Gen. Sarnoff's declaration. Audiences needed to be sensitized more and more to the positive qualities of the entertainment and cultural media. In addition, through such increased public sensitivity, producers would be encouraged to provide ever more of the fine, and less of the sordid.

Here is where questions arise. If the exemplary aspects of TV are not being recognized, what is the reason for such a lack of appreciation? Similarly, and further, if the theatre, including in this term the legitimate stage, on and off Broadway as well as the moving pictures, has large measures of goodness, truth and beauty which are unappreciated, how are we to change this situation?

All in all, what should be done to encourage and condone the good, and to discourage and condemn the unsavory in the American cultural pattern?

These are serious and pressing questions serious for the survival of hte American Way of Life, and pressing for immediate and adequate answers. Indeed the simple truth is that the face that American shows the world affects seriously the future of democracy all over the globe.

Since the theatre in its broadest sense is a large aspect of American culture its expression as well as its creation I saw the urgent importance of bringing the worthwhile elements in the American Theatre to the fore. Especially was this importance impressed on me when I realized how much Hollywood was involved in exporting American life to the world, and how much Broadway with all its theatres means to the modern drama.

Then the thought of the Bible came to me in this connection. Was not the Bible the basis of Western civilization as far as morals are concerned? Why not use the Bible as guide and toughstone, as direction and goal in the matter of the cultral achievements of Western society? Thus was born \

The birth of the idea accomplished, rearing it brought the usual difficulties of raising a child albeit in this case a \book. Second was the current impression that \

Still, I was drawn to the project of a series of lectures on the Bible and the contemporary theatre. What if hte Bible is not well known? Teach it! Plays with a message dull? All plays by reason of their being works of art have been created by their authors' selection and ordering of experience. As such, plays are proponents of ideas and certainly they are not meant to be uninteresting...

That there are spiritual, even religious ideas, in the contemporary theatre should be no cause for wonderment. It is well known that the drama had its origin in religion. The Greeks, the Romans, as well as the early Hebrews, all had forms of the drama which among the first two developed into our classical plays.

In the Middle-Ages, it was the Church in hte Western World that produced the morality and mystery plays. With such a long history it is not surprising to find and affinity between the Bible and the Theatre.

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Philosophy Fallen on Hard Times

Although the number of journals has never been greater and the flyers announcing new conferences, colloquia, and societies never as ambitious, it is no secret that something is wrong with philosophy in the English-speaking world. The advances made by Russell, Whitehead, Wittgenstein, and Husserl are now studied by historians, and the boldness which characterized their age, roughly from 1900 to 1950, has given way to a spirit of caution, qualification, and retreat. This is not to say that talented people no longer study philosophy, nor that worthwhile

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contributions have ceased. promising work is being done, but too often it is overwhelmed by pettifogging or left to die in obscurity.

Those unaware of what is happening in philosophy today may be surprised to learn that few academic philosophers address the sort of problems one studied in college: death, the existence of God, the cardinal

virtues, the external world, or the prospects for happiness. Instead, if one walks into a classroom or lecture hall, one is likely to find brief discussions dealing with an old assortment of issues about such things as time

machines, adverbs, pains, possible worlds, sexual perversion. Even the language has changed. In many cases, English prose has been replaced by codes, symbols, and dialects incomprehensible to those outside the profession and not much better known to some of those inside.

It is not altogether surprising that philosophy has fallen on hard times. Throughout much of this century, people believed that philosophical questions were the result of logical or linguistic confusions. The task of philosophy was to eliminate them and thereby do away with itself...

The problem is that philosophy is unique among academic disciplines in that the philosopher is forever plagued by the question of what his discipline is about ... A beginning student is usually told that philosophy does not deal with facts but with the analysis of concepts. But this characterization is inadequate because it seems to suggest that the distinction between factual and the conceptual is absolute and that concepts can be analyzed entirely on their own. The philosopher, in other words, need not bother with what is, has been, or is likely to be the case.

What emerges is a conception of philosophy that retains its purity by making a radical distinction between itself and virtually every other form of knowledge. C.D. Broad once escribed philosophy at Cambridge as \completely out of touch with eneral hisotry, with political theory and sociology, and with jurisprudence.\eyebrows would have been raised if he had thrown in a dozen other departments and perhaps three or four additional disciplines as well. As for how it is possible to do, say, ethics in such an environment, Broad and his cohorts had a ready answer: the moral philosopher must be distinguished from the moralist. The latter takes a stand on important ehtical questions and can be refuted should his evidence prove insufficient. For him to be ignorant of history, political theory, and jurisprudence is to run the risk of being wrong. The moral philosopher, however, only reflects on the language employed by the moralist. Since the philosopher is not in the business of recommending or criticizing courses of action, he can comfortably ignore the lessons the moralist has to learn.

This conception of philosophy prevailed in the English-speaking world for about forty years until it fell into

disrepute during the turmoil of the sixties. Then sticky questions began ot be asked: To whom was such analysis addressed and for what purpose? If the moral philosopher had studied the great ethical system of the past, why should he not bring his knowledge to bear on the controversial issues of the present? Recently a number of articles have sprung up in the philosophical journals dealing with abortion, homosexuality, recombinant DNA research, intelligence testing, and other issues once thought to be beyond the scope of philosophical inquiry. Their presence raises the obvious question: What unique subject or set of problems distinguishes philosophical inquiry from everything else?

One difficulty is that while other disciplines investigate a specific range of phenomena, philosophy, particularly in the hodgepodge conception of it, investigates all of existence. Worse, while the natural sciences seem to get better as they get older, philosophy does not. Without a bodyof accepted beliefs ot build on, philosophers can make interesting points, but not step-by-step progress. A researcher in physics does note have to make a new beginning each time he walks into his lab; he can assume that there is a consensus on a large number of issues and thus can direct his efforts to a few highly restricted problems.

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Existentialism

There are many dictionary definitions of \that existentialism is a theory or statement about the nature of man's existence. Existentialism is one of a limited number of views of man's nature, in which existence is all-important. The other views are that man's nature is one that falls into one of the following categories: an operational balance among the elements of thoutht, feeling, and sensation-classicism; an imbalance weighted in favor of the world of volition's (feeling,

emotions, and will) over the world of mind and senses romanticism; an imbalance among the categories of head, heart, and hand in favor of thought rationalism; an imbalance resulting from choosing the world of materiality, the world of the senses and things, over the claims of spirit and thought naturalism.

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