Unit 1
Opening Administration to the Public
Citizens of Bengbu City, Anhui Province, now have the opportunity to be a visitor at municipal(市政的) government meetings, thanks to the government's recent efforts to open its administration-adopting the Measures for Inviting Citizens to listen to the Administrative Meeting, which （生效，实施）on December 16, 2001. 安徽省蚌埠市的群众现在有机会出席旁听市政府的召开的会议了，这主要是得益于市政府最近采用并制定的开放式行政管理的措施而邀请市民出席旁听政府的一些行政管理方面的会议。
Ten citizens are invited to be present at each meeting on administrative affairs行政事务. The number of citizen listeners invited to very important meeting can vary. The listeners can be deputies（代表） to the city's people's congress, members of the local committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, personages（要人，名流） of democratic parties, members of the Association of Industry and Commerce and others. They must be at least 18 years of age, and willingly to be a visitor at the meeting.邀请出席每一次行政事务会议旁听的市民，受邀旁听市民的人数是根据会议的重要程度而定的。旁听者可能是市人大代表、政协委员、民主党派成员、工商企业协会的成员和其他人士等等。应邀旁听人员必须年满18岁，并且愿意出席旁听。
Listeners can （通过??发表意见）the government office in a written form.旁听者可以以书面的方式向政府的有关部门反映他们的意见。
Increasing Transparency增加透明度
On the basis of （饮水工程） carried out in some cities and countries, Guangdong Province has asked its governments at or above county level to open their administrative affairs during the first half of this year.在一些城市和国家落实贯彻解决群众饮水的问题，广东省要求县以上的各级政府在今年上半年里落实让群众旁听政府组织召开的行政事务会议的制度。
All affairs relating to laws and regulations and to administrative decisions that people must follow, as long as they do not involve secrets of the Party or the Central Government, should be open to the public. Contents are as follows: 只要不涉及到党和政府的机密，所有要求老百姓遵照执行的法律法规、行政决定等事务性会议，都应该向老百姓公开。具体可以公开的会议如下：
--Strategy of social and economic development, work targets and their accomplishment政绩 ;
--Process for making big decisions and policies;
--Financial budgets财政预算 and implementation实施、实行 --Distribution and use of special funds and the purchase of important materials ;
--Major capital construction projects and their bidding;（重大资金建设项目）
--Items of public welfare invested by the government;
--Projects examined and approved by the government and their accomplishments;
--The accomplishments of work the government promised to do for the public;
--Law enforcement in relation to the interests and rights of citizens, legal persons and organizations;(与各种机构与法人、市民的利益与权利相关法律的颁布)
--Handling of major incidents;（重大事件的处理）
--Selecting and appointing officials, employing public servants and appraising of model workers, transferring workers and staff members in institutional reforms and other issues of public concern; 推选与委任政府官员、录用公务员与评选先进人物，体制改革过程中人员的调动以及其他公众所关心的事件；
--Administrative functions and the official duties; 管理职能以及官方的责任
--Working content, conditions, procedures and timetable as well as the result;
--Working principles, commitment and the way to 讼） activities, as well as the investigation results of the cases.
Apart from opening administrative affairs to society, various departments of the Guangdong Provincial Government have been required to open their internal system construction, work operations and management, specifically the self-discipline(自律) of officials; income and expenditure of the department; management of human resources, distribution of income to workers and staff members as well as their welfare treatment; and other issues.
Knowing government administration is one of people's fundamental rights, and the opening of administrative affairs is the obligation义务、责任 of the government. The rule to open administrative information has become an indispensable part in the government's administration. In the meantime, opening government administration is also a main principle of the WTO, listed on most of its documents. After China's entry into the WTO, it was required to do better in this field. China's transformation of government functions that of its economic growth.
A fresh move, the opening of government administration still needs improvement. Experts the state to place great importance on the issue by setting up special department to handle related affairs, and devising （制定）a law on opening government administrations. 第一篇：开放式的公众管理
感谢政府日前的开放其行政管理的努力，邀请市民旁听行政会议的建议被采纳并且在2001年12月16日得到落实，安徽省蚌埠市的公民现在有机会出席参
加市政府会议。 十位公民受邀请参加出席了公众管理事务的每一次会议。受邀参加这些重要会议的公民旁听者的数目是不同的。这些旁听者可以是市人民代表大会的代表，中国人民政治协商会议当地委员会的成员，民主党派人士，工商联合会的成员和其他人员。他们必须年满18周岁并且愿意出席此种会议。
这些旁听者可以以书面形式向市政府办公室提出自己的见解。 越来越高的透明度
在某些城市和乡村开展的飞行员计划的基础上，广东省要求县级及县级以上政府在今年前半年开放其行政事务的管理。
只要无关党和中央政府的国家机密，有关法律、规章制度和要求所有人遵守的行政决议的每一事务都应该向公众开放。具体如下：
-社会、经济发展、工作目标及其具体实施的策略； -制定重大方针政策的程序； -财政预算及其执行；
-特别基金和重要物资购买的分配和使用； -主要建设工程的资本和招标； -政府向公众的承诺及其执行实施；
-有关公民、法人和组织的利益及权利的法律执行； -主要事件的处理情况；
-官员的选举和任命，人民公仆的任职和模范工人的评价，机构改革中工人和职员的调任和其他公众关注的内容；
-行政功能和公务职责；
-工作内容、条件、程序、时间表以及结果；
-工作原则、承诺和对违背承诺的上诉以及案件的调查结果。
除了向社会开放行政管理事务，广东省政府的各个机构部门也被要求开放其内部运作体系，工作的实施和管理，特别是官员的自律、机构的收入和支出、人力资源的管理、工人和职员收入的分配及其福利待遇和其他事务。
熟悉政府的管理是公民的基本权利，开放其行政管理事务是政府的职责。开放行政管理信息的规则已成为政府管理中不可或缺的一部分。同时，被书写在大部分的文件中的开放式行政管理也是WTO的主要规则。在中国加入WTO之后，对这一领域的要求也更高了。中国的政府职能的转换滞后于其经济增长。
作为一项新举措，开放式的政府行政管理还有待很大的提高。专家呼吁我们应该并且给予特别重视来建立专门机构来处理相关事务，并且出台开放政府管理的相关法律。 Red-Title Document Open to the Public （红头文件（内参）对老百姓开放）
At the end of last year, the Beijing municipal（市政的、地方的） government, located on Zhengyilu Road, placed a reception desk at the entrance of its west gate from Monday to Friday to receive citizens who come to subscribe（捐款，签署）to the Beijing Municipal Government Bulletin（公告，公报）. Since the bulletin opened to the public in
early 2002, the telephone at the editorial office has kept ringing. Many of the calls come from Guangdong, Zhejiang, Heilongjiang （捐款程序）.
The bulletin, which contains government regulations, administrative orders and decisions, is popularly known as a \ and is a mystery to most people, because it only reached leaders above bureau（局） level in the past.
Wei Guiqin, director of the Beijing Huiyuan Law Office, is among the first to subscribe to the bulletin. \he bulletin helps us a lot in our job,\
The governments of many other provinces and cities have also opened their bulletins to the public, including Henan and Shanxi provinces, and cities such as Guangzhou, Wuhan, Qingdao and Yinchuan. The government bulletins公报 are functionally(职能上) the same as other official documents.
Shanghai was the first city to open its bulletin to the public. Since the beginning of last year, the bulletins have been sent not only to major institutions and enterprises under the jurisdiction（权限） of the municipal government, but also to 100 selected newspaper and magazine booths（售货亭）, 50 postal zones and 50 Xinhua bookstores, where citizens can get them for free. The bulletins have attracted the attention of many people, most of whom are lawyers and accountants. 对公众开放的红头文件
在去年年末，坐落于正义路的北京市政府在其西门入口设置了一个接待处，从周一到周五接待订阅了北京市政府公告的市民。从2002年早期政府公告向公众开放以来，社论办公室的电话就不断响起。其中一部分来自于广东省、浙江省、黑龙江省和香港特别行政区，这些人来电咨询订阅手续。
作为被大众普遍认为是“红头文件”的政府公告，包括了政府规章制度、行政命令和决议这些内容，对大多数人来说是很神秘的，因为在过去只有局级以上的干部才能接触到。 北京汇远法律事物所主任魏贵钦是首批订阅政府公告者之一。他说：“公告对公众的发行对
我们的工作不无裨益”。
许多其他省市的政府也对公众开放其公告，其中包括河南省、陕西省和广州市、武汉市、青岛市和银川市。政府公告和其他政府文件在本质上是相同的。
上海是第一个对公众开放其政府公告的城市。从去年一开始，除了市政府管理下的机构和企业，政府公告也在100个选出的报纸杂志销售亭、50个邮政区和50个新华书店发放，市民可以免费索取。公告吸引了很多人的注意力，他们中大部分是律师和会计。 \
Five years ago, Huang Songji, a laid-off(下岗) female employee in Nanjing, invested 50，000 yuan to set up a kindergarten. However, she was soon asked to close down, as she failed to follow relevant procedures. She sought assistance at the Supermarket of Administrative Affairs, and with guidance by the staff, Huang quickly obtained all necessary procedures.
What is the Supermarket of Administrative Affairs and how effective is it? The first supermarket was launched by the government of Xiaguan District, Nanjing City, in the residential communities of Xiaoshi and Rehenanlu（热河南路） on October 16, 2000. The government set up its offices in a big hall to handle various administrative affairs, including more than 40 services related to 国内事务, employment, municipal construction, economy, handling of complaints and 法律执行). It indeed has supermarket features of openness, efficiency and a variety of choice, hence the name, Supermarket of Administrative Affairs. Five other residential quarters followed suit a year later.
The supermarket practices实施 a responsibility system to solve problems, and serve clients. In addition, supervision监督 and feedback procedures have also been adopted. The system, which enables citizens to learn about government administrative affairs, contributes to the government's efforts to open administrative affairs. Sun Wei, a %upermarket\ in the office drawer. Now they are placed on the wall, clearly indicating problems and possible timelines for their solution. Furthermore, the telephone number to contact in cases of complaint against the behavior of \ployees subject to customer complaints 收到顾客投诉达三次的雇员are given three chances, and penalties罚款 include criticism the first time, bonus奖金，红利 deduction the second time, and dismissal the third time.
Since district government powers have been transferred to the \permarket\y the residential community, such as the approval of small loans to help the poor and victims of natural disasters; handling applications for subsidies津贴，补助 if their living standards is below the poverty line; granting licenses颁发许可证 to small restaurants; leasing newspaper booths and registering the unemployed. Apart from these services, the \培训场所, a low consultation room and a suggestion box, as well as a telephone hotline to answer questions. In addition, government leaders regularly visit the \
Many citizens have expressed their satisfaction with the \rket\
\nce between leaders and the masses. Surveys recently conducted in five 'supermarkets' indicated that citizens are satisfied with the measures,\mmunity.
The \d a positive influence to the entire country. Similar supermarkets have opened in Shenyang, Shanghai and Fuzhou.
The \ Affairs, now has 80 branches in the entire city, offering more than
50 services. A civil affairs国内事务 official said that in the next three years, every community and town would set up such a \t\
Media reports recently stated that relevant departments have planned to set up a multi-functional and multi-level service system throughout the country, which offers services on personnel matters, domicile registration居民登记, matrimonial registration婚姻登记, enterprise registration, tax payment, license 执照distribution and the approval of land utilization. Service centers and related ranches will be set up in densely populated communities. Meanwhile, a standardized service network and unified regulations will also be established, and related workers （服务人员佩戴的标牌）for the benefit of customers.
行政事务“超市”
五年前，黄松姬，一个南京的下岗女工，投资了50，000元建起了一个幼儿园。但是不久，因为没有遵守相关的手续，她被要求关闭该幼儿园。于是她到行政事务“超市”寻求援助，在相关工作人员的帮助指导下，黄松姬很快就获得了全部必须的手续。
什么是行政事务“超市”？它在多大范围内有效？第一个“超市”是南京下官区政府在2000年10月16日开办的，位于小市和热河南路的居住区内。政府在某一个大厅里建立了它的办公室来处理各种各样的行政事务，包括有关公民事务、招聘、市政建设、经济、解决牢骚、法律执行情况的40多项服务。它确实具备诸如开办者、效率、多重选择这些超市的特征，因此得名：行政事务“超市”。紧接着的其他五个住宅区第二年也合适进行了。 这种超市把一种解决问题和服
务客户的责任体系落到实处。此外，监督管理和反馈程序也被采纳。这个体系可以使公民了解到政府的行政管理事务，为政府开放其管理的努力做出了很大贡献。孙威，一个“超市”工作人员，说在过去政治是被锁在办公室的抽屉里的，现在它们则被张贴到墙上，清晰地反映了问题以及解决问题的可能时机。此外，如对“超市”工作职员的行为不满而设的电话号码也是对公众开放的。遭到顾客抱怨的职员有三次机会，第一次批评和罚款，第二次扣除奖金，第三次解雇。
因为地区政府的权力被转移到“超市”，服务项目和过去那些由居住区提供的相比更加宽泛了许多，例如用于帮助贫民和自然灾害的受灾者的小额贷款的批准、生活水平低于贫困线的补助金的应用处理、小餐馆执照的发放、报亭的租借和失业者的登记等。除了这些服务以外，“超市”还设置了一个培训室、一个咨询室、一个意见箱和一部电话热线来回答问题。此外，政府领导人还会有规律地来参观“超市”以个人身份和大众交流。 许多居民都表达了他们对于政府的便民“超市”的服务满意。
“它解决问题很快捷，并且拉近了领导和大众的心理距离。目前在五个‘超市’进行的调查表明了公众对于这一举措都感到非常满意。”负责下关居住区的公开事务的许雪琴说。
南京的这一行政便民“超市”服务对全国产生了非常积极的影响。沈阳、上海和福州都开办了类似的超市。
上海的“超市”，即小区事务中心，现在在全市有80个分支，提供50多种服务。一位民政局的官员说在以后三年，每一个社区和城镇都要建立这样一个“超市”来形成一个覆盖整个地区的“超市”网络。
目前的媒体报道说相关部门计划建立一个辐射全国的多功能、多层次的服务系统，可以提供许多服务诸如个人事件、住宿登记、结婚登记、企业登记、税款支付、执照发放和土地利用批准。服务中心和相关机构也将会在人口密集的社区建立。同时，为了顾客的利益，一个标准化的服务网络和统一的规章制度也会建立，相关的工作人员会佩带姓名标签。
\电子政府
Placing government administrative affairs on the Internet appears to be a growing world trend for governments working toward open administration. Resources on government work available on the Internet can he effectively utilized. Furthermore, this practice will enhance the transparency of the government, reduce administrative expenses, improve work efficiency and facilitate使更容易 the construction of a diligent and honest government.
China has a long way to go before it can develop an online government. However, beginning in the mid-1980s when China first called for office automation, up until 1998 when China began to develop e-government project, it has promoted e-commerce in government departments, using the Internet to release information, handling day-to-day office business and offering other services.
In recent years, China has rapidly developed the e-government. First, departments of industry and commerce, customs and taxation税款, and public security have taken the lead in accelerating the pace of e-commerce development and implementation. Second, many government we
b sites with increasingly rich content and sophisticated functions have appeared. A recent survey stated that more than 2, 200 government web sites currently exist in the entire country, and have played a major role in driving the construction of the information industry.
A bilingual能说双语的 web site, Chinashanghai, in both English and Chinese, was launched on September 28, 2001. It serves as a platform for government information dissemination for the benefit of the citizens.
Chinashanghai 专门经营the establishment of an \ts home page, entitled Today's Events, provides information on major activities and events, and reports on various hot topics of discussion. Pages containing government bulletins, government documents, regulations and other information have also been released. The Laws and Regulations page introduces various rules and regulations, the Shanghai Brief page provides information on the latest development trends in the city, and the Investment page offers information on the investment environment and various investment policies, explaining the urban construction plan, the development of the Pudong New Area, the development of development zones and investment projects. The Services page, on the other hand, provides information on topics more closely related to people's lives, such as weather, transport, healthcare医疗卫生, education and tourism. This page also offers 对贫困群体的法律援助. The Business 清楚Guidance page provides useful information on competent有能力的 institutions, as well as their addresses, contact details,
procedures for handling certain affairs, and channels for 在线事务办理主页 enables users to inquire on certain items, and download online forms and applications.
Chinashanghai will also connect with its affiliated附属的 stations to establish a better government network by the end of this year. In addition, Shanghai plans to set up a large porta入口 within the next five years, which will be among China's first-class ones and match international advanced level. By the end of the 10th Five-Year Plan period (2001-05), all the government departments related to social management and services will be on the network. “电子政府”
将政府行政事务展示在因特网上似乎是一个持续增长的世界趋势，对于开放式的管理的政府工作来说。在因特网上关于政府工作的可获得资源能得到有效的利用。而且，这项实践将提高政府的透明度，降低行政费用，提高工作效率，促进建设一个勤奋诚实的政府。
在有能力建立一个网上政府之前，中国还有很长的一段路要走。但是，从20世纪80年代中期开始中国开始提倡办公自动化，直到1998年中国开始发展电子政府计划，利用因特网来发布信息、处理日常的办公事务和提供其他服务都促进了政府部门中电子商务的发展。
近些年来，中国迅速发展起了电子政府。首先，工业部、商业部、海关税收部和公共安全部在加速电子商务的发展和执行的步伐中起了领导作用。第二，出现了许多内容日益丰富、功能日益完善的政府网址。日前的一项调查显示了全国目前有2200多个政府网址，在推进信息产业的建设上起了举足轻重的作用。
中国上海，一个双语网址，英语和汉语，在2001年9月28日开办。出于公民的利益考虑，该网址为政府信息的发布提供了平台。
中国上海致力于建立一个“电子政府”。它的本国网页上记载了今日事件，为主要活动和事件提供信息，并且有各种各样热点话题讨论的报道。网页内容包括了政府公告，政府文件，规章制度，其他信息也会发布。法律和规章的页面上介绍了各种规则和制度，上海摘要网页提供了城市最新发展潮流的信息 ，投资网页上提供了关于投资环境的信息和各种投资政策、介绍了市区建设计划、浦东新区的发展、发展区的发展和投资计划。另一方面，服务网页提供了关于更接近人们生活的话题的信息，例如天气、交通、保健、教育和旅游。这一网页也为弱势群体提供法律援助。商业指导网页上提供了关于可胜任的机构的有用信息及他们的地址和联系细节、解决某些问题的程序和处理诉讼的渠道。最后，网上事务处理网页可以使用户询问某些情况并且下载网上表格和应用软件。
今年年末，中国上海也和其附属机构联系来建立一个更好的政府网络。此外，上海计划在未来五年内建立一个宽敞的入口，这样它将是中国第一等的政府网站之一，并达到国际先进水平。在第10个五年计划（2001-05）的末期，所有的和社会管理和公众服务的政府部门都将会在因特网上出现。
Open Urban Planning
Over the past two years, Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin have made public their city construction plan, a change from their former closed-door working style. The procedures and timetable for the examination and approval of projects, regulations and laws, and technological indexes指数 in relation to the projects are now also out in the open, much to the great enthusiasm of the citizens.
Last October, Beijing held an exhibition on the overall city planning. During holidays and weekends, the 3000-square-meter hall received about 1500 people each day. \ to be so interested in city planning,\ Beijing Municipal City Planning Committee.
Many visitors filled thick suggestion books with feedback, providing constructive ideas, such as building another world trade center in the north; retaining保留 the lay-out展示 of the narrow alleys小巷 and the courtyard homes; and informing citizens on city construction projects on time. The exhibition organizers then sorted the suggestions and delivered them to the decision-making departments.
\rmination to promote the opening up of administration affairs, and this is a significant development,\
Zhou Chang, Secretary general of the China Architectural Society, agreed. \ings greatly, as major decisions will go through the approval of experts, the suggestions of citizens and the supervision监督 of the media,\
Shan Qixiang, director of the Beijing Municipal City Planning Committee, said the opinions of both experts and the masses will be pooled together把??汇聚在一起 before a decision on any important plans for urban construction are reached.
(Source: The article was written by Wu Cong Wen, Beijing Review, May 30, 2002) 开放城市计划
在过去的两年内，北京、上海和天津制定公布了它们的城市建设计划，和他们以往不公开的工作方式不同。工程检验和批准的程序和时间表、法律和规章制度、有关计划的科技索引现在也同样公诸于世，引起了市民的极大热情。
去年十月，北京举行了一个关于所有城市计划的展览。在假日和周末期间，3000平方米的展览大厅每天要接待大约1500名参观者。“我们没有料到有如此多的市民对城市计划如此感兴趣。”北京市城市计划委员会成员邱悦说。
许多参观者在厚厚的建议簿上写满了他们的反馈，提供建设性的创意，例如在北部建另外一座世界贸易中心、保留狭窄小巷和庭院式住宅的规划、及时通知市民城市建设计划。然后展览组织者把这些建议分类并且送到了决议制定部门。
“将城市计划面向大众显示了政府促进开放式行政管理的果断决心，这是一个重大的进步。”一个参观者说。
周畅，中国建筑协会的总会长，赞同以上说法。“开放城市计划进程可以极大地改善事态，因为主要的决定将接受专家的正式批准、市民的建议和媒体的监督。”他说。
单奇翔，北京市城市计划委员会主任，说专家和公众的看法在每一个关于城市建设的重要计划达成一致以前都将汇集起来。
Unit 2
Why Public Management Reform?
Public management reform is usually thought of as a means to an end手段, not an end . To be more precise we should perhaps say that it potentially a means to multiple ends. These include making saving (economies) in public expenditure, improving the quality if public services, making the operation of government more efficient and increasing the chances that the policies which are chosen and implemented will be effective. On the way to achieving these important objectives, public management reform may also serve a number of intermediate ends, including those of strengthening the control of politicians over the bureaucracy官僚作风/机构, public officials bureaucratic constrains官僚式约束 which inhibit限制 their opportunities to manage and enhance the government's accountability有责任 to the legislature立法机构 and the citizenry市民 for its policies and programs. Last but not least最后, one should mention the symbolic and legitimacy合法，合理 benefits of management reform. For politicians these benefits consist partly of being seem to be doing something. Announcing reforms, criticizing bureaucracy, praising new management techniques, promising improved services for the future, 改组部门 and agencies-all these activities help to attract favorable attention to the politicians who espouse信奉 them. A cynic愤世嫉俗者 might observe that, in these days when the power of individual governments to act independently is increasingly called into questions by a complex interplay相互影响 of local, national and international constrains, the one thing that ministers usually can do--with the appearance of dynamism but at little immediate
直接的 cost--is to announce changes in their own machinery of governance. 公共管理改革通常被认为是一个结束的方式，并不是它本身要结束。更准确地说，也许我们应该说潜在地它是多样化结束的一个方式。这些包括节省公众支出、提高公共服务质量、使政府运作更加高效、增加被选择和被执行的政策会有效的机遇。在实现这些重要目标的征途上，公共管理改革也许会帮助实现许多中间的结果，包括那些增强政治家对于官僚机构的控制管理、从官僚制度的抑制中解除公共官员，由于政策和纲要这种约束抑制了他们管理和增强政府对于立法机关和市民的责任的机会。最后，应该提一下管理改革的象征性的和合法的利益。对于政治家来说，这些利益部分地由好象做点什么事情组成。宣布改革、责备官僚作风、赞扬新的管理方式、允诺为将来的改良的服务、调整部门和机构。对于支持这些的政治家来说，所有这些活动都有益于吸引赞扬的目光。一个愤世嫉俗的人也许会注意到在那些当个人独裁政府的权力显示出独立姿态的日子里，问题总是被一个由当地的、国家的和国际的约束组成的并且相互影响的复杂体不断持续地创造出来。大臣们通常能做的一件事情是用他们自己的国家管辖机器，以物力论的姿态但极少的直接成本来宣布变革。
There are also legitimacy benefits for those senior officials who, almost invariably不变地, shaping and implementing such initiatives革新. They may gain in reputation by association with \nd \使简化\对于那些几乎总是在对于主动的整修和执行中起着重要作用的高级官员来说也有其合法的利益。通过和“现代化的”和“流线型的”活动相结合，他们可能得到名望。
If management reform really does produce 约型、高效的 government, with higher-quality services and more effective programs, and if it will simultaneously同时地 enhance political control, free丰富的 manag
ers to manage, make government more transparent and boost推进 the images of those ministers and mandarins普通话 most involved, then it is little wonder that it has been widely trumpeted庆祝，祝贺. Unfortunately, however, matters are not so simple. There is a good deal of evidence to how that management reforms can go wrong. They may produce the claimed需要的 benefits. They may even generate perverse不正当的 effects that render表现出 the relevant administrative progresses worse (in some important senses) than they were previously. When a local authority \ed people is reshaped改造，再形成 along 准市场机制, with a split口子 between the authority purchasing the service and the providing it, we may consider this a typical \t the contract合同 for the service is 700 pages long and that the actual service provided seems to have changed very little in either quality or quantity, then doubt sets in. we wonder if more trust between the parties concerned might not be a more efficient option选择. enabling a much shorter contract (or no contract at all) and radically根本上 reduced monitoring costs. 如果公共管理改革真的能产生一个更低价的、更高效的政府，拥有高质量的服务和更加有效的计划，并且如果它同时地能增强政治控制力、让自由的管理者来管理，使政府更加透明并且提高那些有关乎大臣们和官吏们的形象，这样的话大肆吹捧还没有什么疑问。但是，不幸地是，事情没有那么简单。 有大量的证据可以说明管理改革是怎么样变质的。也许他们没有得到所要求的利益。他们甚至可能有不正当的努力来给予相关的管理进步补偿（更重要的），比他们以前更加可恶。当一位当地的权威人士为老人和残疾人顺着类似的市场条文，采用新方针照顾本地而服务时，该权威在购买服务和提
供服务之间出现了裂痕。我们可以认为这是一种典型的“改革”。但是，当我们发现为该服务开出的契约有700页之长然而实际提供的服务看起来在质量上和数量上改变微乎其微时，我们的疑虑会越来越多。我们会想知
道是否有关的在党派之间的更多的信任是一个更加有效的选择。采用一个简短很多的契约（或者根本不用什么契约）和根本上来说减轻的控制才会物有所值。
Furthermore, even if a particular reform clearly \spect of one or two of the objectives mentioned above (savings, say, and improvement in quality) it is unlikely that it will succeed in all. Indeed, we shall argue later that certain trade-offs换位 and dilemmas进退两难的局面 are exceedingly非常地 common in administrative change, so that the achievement of one or two particular ends might well be \r specialized decision makers in a bureaucracy对于决策者的官僚作风的有关规定 is maintained by selective crackdowns打击 衡--without ever acknowledging that tightening up on one criterion implies slackening off放慢、减缓 on another\ to more effective political supervision and control, can we simultaneously gift them greater freedom and flexibility to manage? The optimists will say yes, by laying down a clearer, simpler framework of rules within which managers can \ pointing to survey evidence that the managers themselves think that political \ as social security, health care, education or the prison service. 此外，即使一项很特殊的关于一个或两个上面提到过的目标的（储蓄、发言权和质
量的提高）改革很明显地“成功了”，它也未必会全部成功。确实，稍后我们会争论在管理上的变化上某些交易和困难抉择是非常普遍的，所以从其他方面而言，一个或者两个特别结果的取得对于一个较低的成绩来说是很值得的。“在官僚机构中统治特殊决定制订者的规则是靠有选择地打击镇压某段时间的某个目标来维持的，操纵平衡而不必承认在某标准上很紧绷但在另外一个很松弛”。例如，如果我们在更加有效的政治监督和控制上受公仆的影响，我们能同时给予他们管理上更大的自由和弹性吗？乐天派会点头称是，他们会放弃一个更加清晰和简单的规则框架，尽管在该框架内管理者能更加有创造力。怀疑论持有者会大摇其头，指出这样的调查证据，管理者他们自己会认为在政治上的敏感操作诸如社会安全、健康保健、教育和监狱服务可以撒手不管。 In any case, public management reform is only one way to achieve most of the desirable ends identified in the first paragraph. To be adequate, any account of its nature will need tothat governmental performance can be improved by a variety of routes and that management reform is frequently undertaken 与?相结合 other types of policy initiative. Comparing administrative developments in a number of countries one academic observed recently: \ not a separable set of technical efforts\无论如何，公共管理改革是能取得大多数那些在第一段提到的令人满意的结果的唯一途径。恰当地说，任何理由都应该考虑在内，通过一系列线路，政府的表现能够提高，管理改革频繁地承诺和其他种类的主动政策结合在一起。对于在许多国家中比较的行政管理的发展，目前某一理论这样评论道“管理改革，是所有政策执行的主题，而不是一套可分的技术成就”。
Other routes to improved government performance include political reforms (such as changes in electoral systems or legislative procedures) and substantive changes in key policies (such as new macroeconomics management policies, labor market reforms or fundamental changes in social policy). The example of New Zealand--which combined management reforms with fundamental changes in both macroeconomic policies and, later, the electoral system--was alluded to in our introduction. 其他的可提高政府表现的线路包括政治改革（例如选举体系或立法程序中的变化）和关键政策上的实质性变革（例如宏观经济学管理政策、劳动市场改革或社会政策上的基本变革）。正如在我们的介绍中间接提到的新西兰的例子一样，管理改革
和两方面的基本变化结合在了一起：整体经济政策和其后的选举制度。 To make matters more complicated still, there is, as commentators have noticed, a delay which affects a good deal of public management reform. The full benefits of major changes in the processes and structures of public agencies normally cannot be harvested until three, four, five or even more years after a reform programs has been launched. To begin with, new legislation might formulate and refine new operating procedures, train staff how to work with them, define new roles and the appropriate , set new measurement systems in place, inform service users and other stakeholders赌金保管者, and work hard to reduce the anxiety all novelties have probably caused, both among users and among staff. But this is not the kind of timescale that most senior politicians are comfortable with. Their focus is more intensely sho
rt-term: on the next election, the next government reshuffle改组, or even today's television news. The searchlight of political attention moves about from one issue to another much more quickly than complex organizational change can be accomplished between the politician's need for ' something to show now' and the organization reform's need for time, commitment承诺 and continuity has probably grown the general intensification and acceleration of political process in many western democracies. 正如讲解员注意到的那样，使问题变的更加扑朔迷离的是，延期极大地影响了公共管理改革。公共代理的过程和结构中的主要变化带来的全部利益正常而言是无法获得的，直到一次改革过程开始后的三年、四年、五年或者更长时间。首先，新的立法是迫切需要的，然后很必要地需要分析情形，随后需要设计、阐明、精炼新的操作程序，训练员工如何与其工作，详细说明新的角色、适当的酬劳和评估体系，地域上制订新的测量体系，通知服务使用者和其他赌金保管者，然后努力减少所有新奇可能引起的焦虑不安，不管是使用者还是员工。但是这个并不是最顶级的政治家认可的那种时间进度表。他们的焦点更加热情地停留在短期上面：在下一届选举、下一任政府改组或者是今天的电视新闻。在西方的民主政治中，由于一般政治进程的激烈度和加速度变化的结果，政治关注的探照灯从一件事情转移到另一件的速度比不同的政治家之间需要某物来显示现在的和组织改革的对时间、许诺和连续性很可能的增长的需要的需求之间复杂的组织变化能达到的程度快多了。
Unit 3
Reform of the Administration and Local Public Services: Introduction
Since the 1980s, a strong movement for the reform and modernization of public administrations has been developing. Decentralization分权化 and liberalization自由化--allowing market forces to operate in the provision of public services—constitute two significant thrusts冲击 of these reforms. An analysis of developments in France and Spain clearly illustrate
no doubts about this diagnosis诊断 in those regions--. Although decentralization has fundamentally been a national choice, and even a choice of the Constitution in Spain, the liberalization of public services has been linked to Community integration and to the process of opening up markets that it has brought about.
The modernization of local management has not always conformed to a consistent, global plan but rather to impetuses推动力，刺激 arising from the 长期的压力 between the instability of local tax revenue年财政收入 and the growing demands on municipal services. Yet in the United Kingdom, a considerable continuity of concept has been evident since the late 1970s, aimed at introducing a 'new kind of public management' inspired by the practices of private enterprise, which is increasingly distancing the British Civil Service from the great principles on which it had been founded since the mid-19th century.
Yet decentralization presupposed a strong revival复兴，恢复 of local democracy and the local government representatives that it produced quickly assumed their new responsibilities. The consolidation联
合，统一 of local autonomy自治（ 权）--or of free administration-assumed that real public policies would be put in place in many and varied fields (social services, economic development, culture, infrastructure基础设施 and town planning and environmental protection). Thus, the general jurisdiction司法权，裁判权 clause gradually became established in the three countries, although it was recognized by law in the United Kingdom only by the Local Government Act 2000. This principle constitutes the foundation of the creation of services not provided for by law. It forms the basis of innovation创新，革新 and local responsiveness回应 to the collective needs and demands of the citizens. The local area of action is gradually tending to expand although it is accompanied by a growing integration of spheres of competeventional practices and of the development of joint organizations or organizations common to different local authorities on the same level or on different levels.
Yet the starting points were very different in France and Spain, on the one hand, and in the United Kingdom, on the other. While in France and Spain decentralization meant the transfer of new spheres of competence to the local authorities and greater freedoms to exercise them, in the United Kingdom the development of the welfare state occurred at local authority level and through the local public sector, which thus gradually came under the increasingly tight control of the central authority. The reforms of the 1980s and those of the Blair Government are not at odds争议，争吵 here. The modernization of public m
anagement occurred through the aforementioned change of paradigm and it actually takes the form of new losses for the local authorities地方政府: on the one hand, through an increased control of the central authority中央政府 over certain public policy areas (e. g. education, ceilings上限placed on the taxation of local authorities deemed too extravagant) and, on the other, through the privatization of local public services. In addition, the new management and performance绩效，成就 standards are accompanied by the emergence出现 of new forms of control. the decentralization movement, the liberalization of national public services, accompanied by the new European law on public works contracts, strengthened the place of competition in the provision of local public services. The advance of both movements presupposed an increase in the freedom of local authorities to choose the type of local service management. In principle, the law does not lay down private or delegated management. However, it has greatly extended the obligation to allow market forces to operate if delegation is chosen. In
this context, analysis of the local public services law in France and Spain shows the scope and reality of the reforms. Examination of these two systems is particularly relevant as recourse to private management, to the contractual delegation of public services, is inherent in their tradition. Such private management often presupposed the private funding of the service and even of the necessary infrastructure-a management by private firms that leads to a commercial approach to the provision of the service. Marketing of the management, therefo
re, by means of recourse to an organization governed by private law, although set up by the local authorities. Local public corporations have a very flexible statute, particularly in Spanish law, in which wholly local public capital companies have, for a long time, been established by legislation. Institutions governed by private law, managed according to managerial systems (including accounting) in which the employees the ordinary workers' statute条例，法令. These new standards are perceived as a reduction in local autonomy with respect to the choice of management method.
20世纪80年代以来，公共管理的改革和现代化运动一直在强有力地发展着。地区分权和自由化——允许市场力量进入公共服务领域——构成了改革的两个重要方面。对法国和西班牙发展的一项分析清楚地表明了这股潮流，尽管各地速度和侧重点不同，英国更倾向于地方分权。某些地区把权力转交给地方当局的趋势有所减退，然而，这并不能引起任何对当地改革的分析的疑点。尽管地区分权已经基本上为整个国家所接受，甚至包西班牙宪法，但是公共服务的地区分权则和社区统一以及它所引起的市场开放联系在一起。
地区管理的现代化并不总是起因于一个一致的全球性计划，而是起因于地区税收的不稳定和不断增长的对都市服务的需求之间矛盾这一动力。然而，英国自20世纪70年代以来一直明显地表现出其概念的持续发展，目的就在于介绍一种由私营企业带来的新的公共管理方法。这种方法使得英国国民服务不断地远离它自19世纪中期开始就依赖的原则。
地区分权预示着它将很快引起地区民主和政府代表们的复活，这一复活表示他们将有更多新的责任。巩固地区民主——或者说是自由管理——就意味着真正
的公共政策将会在许多不同的领域里发挥作用（这些领域包括社会服务，经济发展，文化，基础设施，城建计划和环境保护等）。由此，这三个国家将逐渐地建立司法条款，尽管在英国只能依据地区政府条例2000由法律来组织。这条原则构成了不依法律为据的服务革新的基础。它是地区创新和对市民的集体要求和需要的满足的根基。实施的地域面积在扩大，尽管伴随着的是权限范围的不断综合。传统管理方法有力崛起，合资企业和地方当局负责的企业快速发展（这些企业处于相同或不同级别），不同法案相互依赖正是建立在这个基础之上的。
法国和西班牙改革的出发点与英国的是有很大区别的。法国和西班牙的地区分权是把权限的新范围转交给地方当局，并给予实施权力的更大的自由。在英国，地方当局通过公共服务部门管理着福利。如此以来，地方部门逐渐地受辖于不断加强控制的中央政权。那么，
20世纪80年代的改革和布莱尔政府的改革就不足为怪了。公共管理的现代化通过上述变化而存在。它表现于地方当局的损失：一方面，中央政权对某些公共政策领域不断加强控制（例如，在教育领域，地方当局的税收注定会是没有节制的），另一方面，地区公共服务私有化。此外，伴随着新的管理和实施标准，出现了新的控制方式。
国民公共服务的自由化以新欧洲公共工作合同法为后盾，加强了地区公共服务的竞争地位。两个运动的发展给予地方当局更多选择本地服务管理的机会。原则上说，法律没有规定私人管理还是委权管理。然而，如果选择委权，那么就更应该允许市场来调节了。在本文中，对法国和西班牙地区公共服务法律的分析显示了改革的范围和现实性。对两个系统的检测结果对私人管理更有利，对公共服务契约性代表团更有力，是其传统中内在的属性。这样的私人管理往往预示着个人付费才能得到服务，甚至是为了得到必要的基础设施的服务——这是以商业目
的提供服务的私营企业的一种管理方法。因此，对管理的市场调节依赖于某个组织，这个组织是由私法来统治的，尽管是由地方当局设立。地区公共服务集团有个非常易变的成文法，尤其在西班牙法律中。西班牙法律体系中，私法很久以前就设立了全部属于地区公共资产的公司？。私法所统治的组织机构根据操作系统来实施。操作系统包括会计学，其中雇员遵从于普通工人法。这些新的标准削弱了地区选择管理方法的自主权力。
Unit 4
State and Market
1 1．Creating the Conditions for Private Sector Development私营企业发展为私营企
业的发展创造条件。 带动?发展 the entire economy，the biggest factor in reducing poverty．But to do so they need a sound investment climate-with good macroeconomic整体经济 management，trade and investment policies that promote openness，and good-quality infrastructure基础设施and services．合法调整的system that supports the day-to-day operations of firms by protecting property rights由保护财产权方式来支撑公司的日常运转，promoting access to credit提升信誉，and ensuring efficient tax, customs, and judicial services（法律服务）确保有效的进出口税收和法律服务．私营企业可以创造新的工作机会，带动整个经济的增长，这正是削减贫困的最大因素。要做到这些，必须要有一个良好的投资环境——良好的宏观经济的管理、贸易和投资政策以促进对
外开放，提供高质量的基础设施和服务。同时，也需要一个法律规章体系，保护财产所有权，提高信贷能力，保障有效的税收、关税和司法服务，支持企业的日常运行。
Investment in infrastructure ----whether in power，transport，housing, telecommunications电讯，or water and sanitation卫生设施----enables businesses to grow. And when private firms infrastructure, bringing with them capital资金 and know-how（知识）技术诀窍, they can improve access to basic infrastructure services, a key to reducing poverty. In developing countries private firms participate mainly in telecommunications and energy. From l996 to 2001 investment in telecommunications projects with private participation totaled about $ 60 billion资金投入高达600亿美元 in Brazil and more than $17 billion in the . Investment in energy projects with private participation in the l990s increased dramatically in Brazil(from $ 0．6 billion in 1990-95 to $42 billion in l996-2001), Peru(from $1.2 billion to $ 2.8 billion)．and in Turkey ($ 2.5 billion to $ 4.8 billion). 对基础设施的投资——不管是能源上，交通上，房产上，电信上，还是水利和卫生事业上——可以激活商业的发展。若是私营企业参与基础设施建设，投入资产和设计，那么就可以改进利用基础设施服务的渠道，这是削减贫困的关键。在发展中国家中，私营企业主要参与电信和能源方面的设施建设。自1996年至2001年，巴西的私营企业在电信工程方面的投资总达六百亿美元，而朝鲜共和国的也多达一百七十亿美元。20世纪90年代，巴西的私营企业在能源工程方面的投资急剧增长（从1990至1995年的6亿美元到1996-2001年的420亿美元，而秘鲁的也从12亿美元增长到28亿美元），土耳其从25亿美元增长到48亿美元。
Telecommunications has received the largest share of investment in projects with private participation (44 percent of the total in l990-2001), with water and sanitation私人参与通讯工程（1990-2001年占总投入的44%）、水利工程和医疗卫生设施建设的投入已经占有很大比例，considered a “basic needs” sector部门, receiving only a small fraction部分 (5 percent). Private participation in infrastructure was initially最初 concentrated in a few countries, with the top 10 accounting for 98 percent of investment in l990, but by 2001 their share份额 had fallen to 67 percent. Private participation in infrastructure has many of the same advantages and risks as public investment financed筹措资金 though foreign borrowing. 私营企业对建设工程的投资中，电信工程占有最大的份额（在1990至2001年之间占总额的44%），而被认为是“基础需要”设
施的水利和卫生事业仅占很小一部分（5%）。私营企业投资于基础设施起初只集中在少数的几个国家里，1990年前十名占有投资的98%，但是到2001年，他们的占有额下降到67%。私营企业对基础设施的投资有很多优势和风险，与国家通过外债来投资的优势和风险相同。
Part of what determines the business environment in a country一个国家经商环境决定 is the regulation管制 of new entry. Countries differ significantly in the obstacles they impose on the entry of new businesses. To meet government requirements for starting a business in Mozambique为了满足政府在莫桑比克创办一家公司的需求，for instance, entrepreneurs企业家 must complete l6 procedures，a process that takes an average of 214 business days and costs the equivalent of 74 percent of gross national income (GNI国民收入总值) per capita每个项目审批就
需要214天时间，并且要花费相当于该项目国民总收入的74%．In Italy they must complete l3 procedures，wait 62 business days on average，and pay 23 percent of GNI per capita．But Canada requires only 2 procedures, and the process takes only two days and costs about l percent of GNI per capita.
境。不同的国家，新商业进入市场所遇到的障碍是大不相同的。比如，在莫桑比克，要创立一项商业，创业者必须完成16个程序才能符合政府的要求。这个过程平均花费214个工作日，耗费等同于人均国民收入的74%。在意大利要求13个手续，62个工作日，人均国民收入的3%。但在加拿大只需2个手续，2个工作日，人均国民收入的1%。
The case for creating a good investment climate is simple：an economy needs a predictable 可预见的environment in which people, ideas, and money can work together productively and efficiently. 创造一个良好的投资环境很简单：经济需要一个可预测的环境，在其中，人、人的思想和金钱可以有效地合作。
Countries should focus on improving the investment climate for domestic entrepreneurs虽然各国政府应该集中精力为国内企业家改善投资环境, but a better investment climate will also attract foreign investors. And countries that receive more foreign investment—an important conduit（渠道） for new technologies, management experience, and access to markets—enjoy faster growth and greater poverty reduction. 政府应当集中力量为国内企业家改善投资环境，而一个好的投资环境也将吸引国外投资者。能吸引更多国外投资者的国家——国外投资者是
引进新的技术、管理经验和市场的重要途径——可以更快地发展，在更大程度上削减贫困。
External perceptions感觉 of the investment climate are reflected in risk ratings. While risk ratings do not always capture the actual situation or specific investment opportunities in a country, they are a reality that policy-makers face. Among such ratings are the Euro money欧洲货币 creditworthiness信誉 ratings, which rank the risk of investing in an economy from 0 (high risk) to 100 (low risk). Countries with high risk．such as Kenya (36) and Haiti海地 (24)，have very low foreign direct investment (0.4 percent of gross capital formation for Kenya and 0.3 percent for Haiti). By contrast, countries with low perceived risk, such as Chile (65) and the Czech Republic (66), have much higher levels of foreign direct investment (about 33 percent for Chile and 29 percent for the Czech Republic；table 5.2). Countries with low risk ratings also have large stock markets relative to gross domestic product (GDP). Market capitalization is about 85 percent of GDP in Chile, 102 percent in Australia, 135 percent in Malaysia, 137 percent in Singapore, and l58 percent in Finland. 投资环境的客观洞察力反映在风险系数上。风险系数并不总是针对一个国家的真实情况或具体投资机会，却是制定政策者要面对的一个现实。欧元的不同汇率就在这些风险之列，其风险系数在0（高风险）到100（低风险）之间摆动。在高风险的国家，如肯尼亚（36）和海地（24），很少有外国直接投资（占肯尼亚国内收入的0.4%，海地的0.3%）。相反，低风险的国家，如智利（65）和捷克（66），则有更高水平的国外直接投资（智利大约33%，捷克大约29%）。与国内生产总值相对应，
低风险的国家也有大的证券市场。在智利，市场资本化约是国内生产总值的85%，澳大利亚是102%，马来西亚是135%，新加坡是137%，芬兰是158%。
2．Designing Public Sector公共部门 Policies to Enhance Private Activity制定公有制政策，加强私有企业作用
The public sector’s main economic functions three broad categories：making policy, delivering services, and providing oversight疏忽，监督 and accountability. As global competition has increased in the past two decades, the governments of many developing countries have shifted their focus from trying to preserve jobs in a stagnant public sector to creating jobs in a vibrant充满活力的，活跃的 private sector. Governments are now in the business of designing and implementing good policies and strong institutions that enhance the business and investment climate. 公有制部门的主要经济作用包括三个方面，即制定政策，提供服务，监督责任。过
去的二十年里，随国际竞争日益剧烈，许多发展中国家的政策都转移了侧重点，保留萧条的公有制单位的工作职位，以在动摇不定的私营部门中创造工作机会。政府正忙着设计和促进好的政策和健全的机构设施，改善商业和投资环境。
Government functions and policies affect many areas of social and economic life：health and education, natural resources and environmental protection，fiscal and monetary stability，and flows of trade．Data related to these topics are presented in the respective sections. This section provides data on key public sector activities：tax policy, exchange rates, and defense expenditures. 政府功能和政策影响到社
会生活和经济生活的多个领域：健康，教育，自然资源，环境保护，财政和金融稳定，以及贸易等等。与上述话题相关的数据在各个部门有所显示。这部分给出了主要公有制部门的活动的数据：税收政策，汇率和防护费用。
Taxes are the main source of revenue for many governments. They are levied征税 mainly on income, profits, capital gains，goods and services, and exports and imports. (Non-tax revenue is also important in some economies) A comparison of taxation levels across countries provides an overview of the fiscal obligations and incentives facing the private sector. Central government tax revenues (excluding state and local taxes) range from about 3 percent of GDP in Kuwait and 7 percent in Bangladesh to 35 percent in Austria and 36 percent in Slovenia. 税收是许多政府开支的主要源泉。征集的税源主要在于收入，利润，资产收入，商品和服务，出口和进口（无税对某些国家也是重要的）。通过几个国家税收水平的比较，可以看到私营企业的财政责任和动力。在科威特，中央政府的税收（除了国家和地区财税）是国内生产总值的3%，孟加拉共和国是7%，奥地利是35%，斯洛文尼亚为36%。
The level and progressivity进步 of taxes on personal and corporate income influence incentives激励，刺激 to work and invest. Marginal tax rates on individual income range from o percent (in countries such as Kuwait, Oman, Paraguay, the United Arab Emirates, and Uruguay) to 50 percent or more (in Such countries as Austria, Belgium, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Denmark, the Islamic Republic of Iran，and Senegal塞内加尔). Most marginal tax rates on corporate income（边远地区公司收入的的税收率） are in the 20-30 percent range. 个人和企业所得
税的水平和进步会影响到工作和投资的积极性。个人所得税的税率有高有低，可能是零（在诸如科威特、阿曼、巴拉圭、阿联酋和乌拉圭等国家里），也可能是50%或更多（如
奥地利、比利时、刚果民主共和国、丹麦、伊朗和塞内加尔等）。对公司集团征收的绝大多数边缘税率在20%到30%之间。
3 3．Tapping the Benefits of Infrastructure, Information, and Telecommunications开发利
用基础设施、信息和电信等资源
High-quality infrastructure and other business services help determine the success of manufacturing and agricultural businesses. Investments in water, sanitation, energy, housing, and transport improve health and education and help reduce poverty．And new information and communications technologies offer vast opportunities for economic growth，improved health, better service delivery, learning through distance education，and social and cultural advances. 高质量的基础设施和其他商业服务有助于制造业和农业的成功。在水利、财政、能源、房产和运输领域的投资有利于健康、教育事业的发展以及削减贫困。新的信息和交流技术为经济增长、健康事业、传送服务、远程教育以及社会和文化进步等提供了大好时机。
Until the l 990s public sector monopolies垄断 in most developing countries financed and operated the infrastructure, often with poor results. Technical inefficiencies in roads, power, water, and railways caused losses of $ 55 billion a year in the early l990s—about l pe
rcent of all developing countries’ GDP. But beginning in the late l980s countries around the world had begun turning to the private sector民营部门, both to take over the operation of existing infrastructure and to finance new infrastructure．In l990-2001 infrastructure projects with private participation in developing countries attracted more than $ 750 billion in investment．直到20世纪90年代，绝大多数发展中国家的公有制经济，资助并操纵着基础设施，往往使其收效微薄。公路、能量、水利和铁路领域的技术利用效率差。在20世纪90年代是，一年里就损失550亿美元，大约是所有发展中国家国内生产总值的1%。但是，20世纪80年代后开始，世界上各个国家开始转向私营企业，使其接管已有设施的运作，并且投资建设新的设施。1990至2001年间，发展中国家里私营企业参与建设的设施工程吸引了多于7.5亿美元的投资。
Efficient transport is critical to the development of competitive economies，but measuring progress in transport is difficult. Data for most transport sectors are often not strictly comparable across countries that do not consistently follow common definitions and specifications. Moreover, the data do not indicate the quality and level of service, which depend on such factors as maintenance budgets, the availability of trained personnel, geographic and climatic conditions, and incentives and competition to provide the best service at the lowest cost. 高效的交通对于竞争激烈的经济的发展很关键，但是衡量交通的发展进程是困难的。国家之间对交通没有一致的定义和规定，严格地说，绝大多数交通部门的数据不具有可比性。再者，数据并不能显示
出其服务的质量和水平，而要看以下因素，如维修费、经过培训的人力资源、地理和气候条件，以及动机和竞争力，力求以最低的价格提供最好的服务。
About 43 percent of the world’s roads are paved，but the share ranges from only about l6 percent in low-income economies to 92 percent in high-income economies. Sub-Saharan Africa scores the lowest among regions，with only about l3 percent of roads paved，while developing countries in Europe and Central Asia, with 91 percent，are almost on a par with high-income economies. 世界上大约43%的大路被铺过，但是其份额差距很大，在低收入国家只有16%，而高收入国家有92%。非洲位于最差之列，仅铺了13%的大路，而欧洲和中东地区的发展中国家高达91%，几乎和高收入国家水平相平衡了。
Telecommunications services are improving in quality，accessibility可达性，可获得性，and affordability可承担，可负担性 around the world，thanks to competition in the marketplace accompanied by sound regulation有效管理．Globally，there are l72 fixed telephone mainlines for every l000 people，but large differences remain between low-income economies (around 30 per l 000)and high-income economies(around 600 per l000)．And within countries there are often stark完全的，巨大的 differences in access between the largest city and the average for the country. In Sri Lanka, for example, there are about 300 telephone mainlines for every l000 residents in Colombo, while the average for the country is only 44 per l000. In many countries people are turning to mobile phones. In Latin America, at l61 per l000 people, mobile phones are almost as numerous as fixed line telephones (165 per l000 peop
le). 由于有良好规范的市场竞争，电信服务一直在质量、便利和价格方面不断改进。世界上每1000个人中有172根固定电话线，但低收入人群（1000个人中有30根）与高收入人群（1000个人中有600根）依然有很大的差别。在一些国家内部，最大的城市和一般城市之间往往有非常明显的差别。比如，在斯里兰卡，可伦坡的1000人中有300根电话线，而整个国家的平均水平才只有44根。在许多国家里，人们正在转向移动电话。拉丁美洲中，1000个人中有161根，而移动电话的数量几乎与固定电话相等（1000个人中有165部）。
Essential to building a knowledge economy is ensuring access for all to computers and the Internet．The digital divide between rich and poor economies-the-gap in access to information and communications technology-remains wide，with high-income economies having 416 personal
computers per l000 people and low-income economies only 6 per l000．Even so，ownership of personal computers is growing twice as fast in developing as in high-income economies. Large gaps also exist among developing regions, with developing countries in Europe and Central Asia having about 52 personal computers per l000 people，but South Asia only about 5. 建设知识经济的根本在于确保所有人都有电脑和网络可用。穷人和富人对信息和交流技术的掌握差距依然很大，富人中每1000人中有416台私人电脑，而穷人仅有6台。即使如此，在发展中国家里私人电脑的拥有量正以两倍于发达地区的发展速度增长着。在不同的落后地区，较大的差距也是存在着的，欧洲和中亚地区的发展国家中，每1000人中有52台私人电脑，而南亚仅有5台。
Unit 5
What Is Community?
Communities社区 are natural human associations ties of relationship and shared experiences in which we mutually provide meaning in our lives, meet needs, and accomplish interpersonal人际间的 goals. Our predisposition倾向 to community insures that we become the persons we were meant to become, discover meaning, generate ethical民族的 values, and develop a culture which would be impossible for single, isolated individuals to accomplish alone. When we talk about community, we talk about two things simultaneously. Community is located in space and time and it exists beyond space and time. Community is embodied具体表现 in a place, structure, and presence, but community transcends location; it cannot be confined by structure or mere history. 社区是基于关系和共同经历建立起来的人类自然的联合。在这里我们赋予生活意义，满足需要，实现人际目标。我们的社区倾向确保我们成为我们应该成为的人，确保我们发现生活的意义，创造道德价值，并且发展了一种孤立的个体的我们不可能实现的文化。当我们谈社区的时候，我们同时在谈两件事。社区即存在于时间空间之内也存在于时间空间之外。社区体现于地点，结构及存在，但又超越特定场所；它不能被结构或历史限制。
Embodied Community
Every one of us needs community. Community arises spontaneously自然地 because of an innate sociality生来具有的交际能力 of the human condition. With relatively rare exceptions community has been the fo
rm of human associated life by which people have related throughout history. Your self cannot, in fact, reach its full realization in isolation, but only as you are nurtured养育, guided, and suffused with the life of the community in which you exist. 我们每个人都需要社区。社区的自发出现是因为人类与生俱来的社会性。少有例外社区成为人类联系的方式，通过这种方式人类从古自今联系起来。事实上，你自己独自实现不了你的全部目标。你只是在社区中被培养长大，茁壮成长。
Localized community needs to be embodied to have existence. In its purest sense, community is an arena of social interaction, a milieu of social relationships in which we engage one another at a time and in a place where we gather together. For many communities to have permanence, they often become identified with physical space that the community claims as its own. This could be a territory or a neighborhood that we identify with a name and includes homes, schools, and shops. Communities such as a local church, neighborhood, or ethnic人种的 or civic association often develop a structure or a form of association, infuse灌输 it with values, and derive meaning form it. The location or the structure becomes the embodiment of and symbolizes community. Thus it is appropriate to talk about community as a neighborhood or association that exists in space and time, that has permanence and structure. 局部化的社区需要存在的体现。在最纯粹意义上讲，社区是人类交往的舞台，人际关系的环境。社区为我们人与人交往提供时间地点。那些能长久存在的社区被视为具体的场所。这个场所可能是被我们命名的一个领域或临近的地方包括家、学校和商店。例如地方上的教堂，附近的地方，种族或民间组织
这样的社区经常会产生结构或一种联系的形式，在其中灌输价值，产生意义。地点和结构变成社区的体现或象征。因此把社区看作存在于时间空间的，长久存在的临近的地方或组织是恰当的。
Transcendent Community超越的社区
Although a community can be found in a locality or be embodied by a structural form, community is never simply a static physical location that we inhabit, as social ecologists assert断言，声称; nor is it merely a structure or mechanical process, as systems theorists suggest. Community is the act by which we engage one another, experience relationships, and become a people. Wherever humans exist, we spontaneously seek and form community. 虽然社区可以是一个地点或具体的结构形式，但却不能像社会生态学家宣称的那样仅仅是一个我们居住的静态的物理位置，或者像系统学家提出的是结构或机械过程。社区是我们相互交往，体验关系，成为人类的一种行动。只要人类存在，我们就会自发地寻找并形成社区。
Communities are an indelible不可或缺的，永恒的 component of the human condition, not relative to a particular historical era, place, or time. Neither are communities unique to one race, national, or cultural group. Community transcends history and cannot be contained by mere history. Deeply rooted in our nature, community may be said to be a universal human phenomenon, not contingent on circumstances.可以说社区是人类普遍群居的现象，而不是对环境临时性要求。社区是人类生存条件不可缺少的成分，于特定的历史时期、地点、时间没有关系。社区也不因种族、国
家、文化而不同。社区超越历史又不仅仅包含在历史中。社区深深植根于人类的天性可以说是普遍的人类现象而不取决于环境。
Community transcends location. As people in community move from place to place, we carry our community with us. When the nation of Israel was destroyed and most of her people were exiled流放 to Babylon in 597 B. C., they lost their land, but they never lost themselves, their community. They were then, and 2600 years later remain a people, a community, regardless of where they are located. 社区超越地理位置。当人们从一个社区搬到另一个社区，我们也随身带着社区。当公元前597年以色列国被摧毁，大部分以色列人被迫流亡巴比伦的时候，虽然他们丧失了土地，但他们没有失去自我，失去他们的社区。不管他们住在哪里，那时以及2600年后他们还是一个民族，一个社区。
Community transcends超越 its structure. The original group that called themselves \
of the Way\le at Jerusalem, in one another's homes, and who owned everything in common. Christian churches today are far different from those original communities in the way they are structured and governed, and in the manner and language in which worship is conducted. Yet they remain communities united in a common belief and heritage(遗产). 社区超越他的结构。最初叫做“路上人”的本原群只是一个小团体。他的成员相聚在耶路撒冷的庙宇，相聚在成员的家里，人于人没有贫富差别。现在的基督教于本原群大不
相同，无论是结构、管理、语言，还是崇拜的方式。然而他们具有相同的信念和遗产。
Community transcends time. A community exists before we were born and will live on after we die. We develop a shared memory and obtain a sense of ourselves by means of our common history together. The symbols and meaning that community incorporates, while origination in time, become timeless. 社区超越时间。社区在我们出生以前就存在并且在我们去世以后还将继续存在。我们的共同记忆共同感来源于我们共同的历史。尽管起源于时间，社区包含的象征和意义变得没有时间限制
There is not just one model of community or one community ideal. Each community is a unique blending of the people of which it is composed. The many good communities that add to the shape and texture of human existence. The more communities that develop, therefore, the more opportunities for us to explore alternative ways of being in the world, and different ways of achieving richness of character. 社区不止一种形式也不止一种理想形式。每个社区都是由人类组成的特殊团体。许多优秀社区的形成丰富人类存在的形态和结构。因此，社区越多，我们生存的选择就越多，实现性格完美的途径就越多。
Unit 6
Developing and
Designing Performance Management
The development and design of a performance management(绩效管理) system naturally depends heavily on how performance is defined and on the state and nature of the organization's existing systems, structures, etc. In the broadest sense performance management organizational performance but, as was shown earlier, this is a problematic concept. As Dawson points out: 发展并设计绩效管理在很大程度上取决于我们如何定义绩效，以及组织现存的系统、结构等的状态、性质。广义上来讲，绩效管理与组织的表现有关。但是如上所示，这个概念是由问题的。正如道森指出的：
When people talk of improving organizational performance they can be referring to any one
of a number of aspects, including effectiveness (goal attainment), efficiency (amount of resources used to produce a unit of output), productivity in terms of quantity or quality or timing, indicators of morale, and capacity to adapt and change to cope with the unexpected and unpredictable. 当人们谈道改善组织表现的时候，可能是指任何一个方面，包括效力（目标实现），效率（单位产品使用的资源量），按数量、质量、时间计算的生产力，士气的体现，接受能力，应对不可预料情况的能力。（道森 1996：235）
(Dawson 1996: 235)
That organizational performance can be defined in so many terms means, of course, that the task of forging（打造，锤炼）a link between individual and organizational performance is far from simple. 当然组织的绩效能用许多条件定义然而在个人和组织之间建立联系却不是这么简单。
Indeed, defining performance at the individual level is no less complex. As we saw, there are two main conceptions-outputs/results and behaviors. But it is probable that employee inputs-their effort, for example，also fall within a loose everyday understanding of the term performance. Herein（于此，在这里）lies one of the problems of performance management, that of achieving some understanding of what is meant by performance, whether at the individual or organizational level (or any where in between). I will outline a diagnostic（诊断的）, ‘involving’ approach as a means of trying to bring about the sort of understanding that is required. 确实，在个人层面上定义绩效不是很复杂。正如我们所见，有两个主要概念――产量（结果）及行为。但是员工的投入――例如他们的努力――也在对于绩效的平常的理解之中。绩效管理的问题就在于此，即对于绩效的理解，无论是在个人层面还是在组织层面（或者在两者之间）。 我将给出一个解决的大概思路，包括尝试把两种理解整合的办法。
Though it has several meanings, the most common interpretation of the term performance management is that it is a set of activities directed at the individual so as to channel his or her performance in support of organizational performance. That said, these activities exist within a broader framework of some kind. The integrative整体的, holistic（总体的，全盘的） approach to performance management that is advocated in much of the literature sees this framework as involving the communication of the organization's mission使命 statement, goals, etc. to all employees. The intent here is to bring individual goals into line with those expressed for the organization as a whole or, in
other words, to individual performance organizational performance. This, of course, is a unitarist（一元论的） view which very often is at odds with organizational reality and which may be one of the reasons why performance management systems do not succeed as intended. It may be preferable to try to accommodate the plurality of interests that we are likely to find, at least to the extent of having different systems to suit the needs and requirements of different groups, whether they be departments, type of job or whatever. 虽然具有几种意思，但是绩效管理的最普通的理解是指导个人以使他或她的绩效支持组织的绩效的一系列行动那就是说，这些行动存在于一个某种更宽的框架内。许多文献鼓吹的对于绩效管理的综合整体分析把这个框架看作是包含把组织的任务说明，目标等和所有员工进行交流的框架。目的就是使员工的目标和组织的整体目标一致，换言之，就是使个人绩效于组织绩效一致。也许调和大多数人的利益是更可取的，至少在某种程度上会有不同的系统适应不同人群的不同需求，不管是部门不同还是工作不同。
Some accounts of employee performance management assume that the organizational framework already exists. For example, earlier I quoted Ainsworth and Smith (1993).
This assumes that the important corporate issues of 'mission' and the setting of
corporate goals have been addressed and resolved. It assumes that objectives for the sub-sections of the organization (the departments, divisions or business units) have been set within the key results ar
eas, and that the senior management group has identified just where the competitive advantage and value added dimensions of the business lie. It further assumes that all of this has been communicated to and understood by those involved. 一些对员工绩效管理的说明假定组织框架已经存在。比如，我在早先引用的安尼沃斯和史密斯的话已经提到（1993）。
这种假设为公司最为重要的“任务”并且公司的目标已经制定完好。而公司下属机构的任务目标也已制定在关键结果区域内。公司高级管理层已经发现公司的竞争力、价值所在。还进一步假设所以这一切已经于所有相关人员进行过交流过并被大家理解。
(Ainsworth and Smith 1993: 5-6)
In many organizations it is likely that all of this does exist and that it operates in the way advocated. But this should not be assumed; for example, the IMS survey of performance management practices (Institute of Personnel Management 1992) revealed that communication was one aspect of their policies which organizations found to be problematical. Furthermore, the survey evidence also revealed that the organizational framework is often deficient in various respects. So, not all organizations have mission statements and even if they do there may be a failure to communicate those statements, and other relevant information, to all employees. Hence, for many organizations the starting points for performance management will have to be at the corporate/organizational level-for example, with its systems for planning, manufacturing/service delivery, employee communication, etc. 很有可能